Govind Prasad Thapa, PhD, MPA, MA, BL

Visit to Hokse--the 'Kidney Bank' village

2012-02-09T04:27:00.000-08:00

On 5 Feb 2012, we went to Hokse--CDO, police DySP, and many more from district government offices and ngos. The objective was to get first hand information about the village known for 'kidney bank'. This was a path-breaking event. The victims related their harrowing stories and submitted their first FIR to CDO and police for investigation on the occasion. There are three things to be done: give justice to victims; penalize perpetrators; and educate people to safeguard health--especially the victims who take alcohol to subside pain. This actually increases problems to their already deteriorating health.

Policing history in Nepal

2012-01-17T01:20:00.000-08:00

Policing history in Nepal

Crime is a complex issue; so is its management. With the advancement of science and technology, urbanization, growth of population, and globalization, it has become more untamable. Police are the instruments of State to enforce laws. The major functions of the police are: protection of life and property; prevention and detection of crime; maintenance of public law and order; and provision of assistance to the public in emergency.

Policing is a dynamic process. The objectives of policing are alike throughout the world; however the policing approach is different. There are several policing philosophies and approaches in use in the world. Some of them are--crisis policing, authoritarian policing, community policing, problem oriented policing, and information/intelligence led policing. Nevertheless, none of these approaches are foolproof and so there is no room to be complacent with any of these current systems.

Authoritarian policing usually aligns itself with authoritarian systems. Police are inclined to act unilaterally and do whatever they consider best. The focus tends to be on controlling the population, rather than seeking a partnership. "Authoritarian policing always goes together with centralised systems where rank-and-file officers have little discretion on how to spend their days and local managers have little say in how to spend their resources…under these policing systems, human rights tend to be considered as an additional burden that place limits on the police…authoritarian policing, being so unresponsive to the public, is seriously hampered by a lack of contact between police and public and thus by access to information"(Anneke Osse).

Nepal has the legacy of regimental policing. The reformation of the present police, which took place in 1951/52, was the result of the amalgamation of Ram Dal (Army), Militias, Janamukti Sena, and Rakshya Dal. Many 'freedom fighters' joined police and many of them occupied key positions in the police in the subsequent years. The very foundation of the police was based upon the revolutionary and military mindset and culture. The duties of the police in those days were to support the political regime or the particular governments. The services to the people were of the least priority. The police basically 'ruled' not 'served' citizen. The legacy of regimental policing still exists in the New Nepal.

Security in 'New Nepal': What needs to be done?

2012-01-17T01:07:00.000-08:00

Security in 'New Nepal': What needs to be done?

Dr. Govind Prasad Thapa

Today, security is most sought after right, need and interest of Nepali citizens. In post-conflict societies the wider issues of safety and security can be addressed only after establishing a basic sense of law and order. This continuum from disorder to order, to safety and security is the essential starting point for justice and security delivery in post-conflict states. Stocktaking the current situation of law and order in the country, still much remains to be done by the government and police to reinforce the peace and security. The starting point may be the assessment of current security system and agencies.

What is wrong with our security system?

National security interest and policy involve major decisions about the security sector which affect the external and internal security of state and society. A national security framework sets out the government's approach to security and defines the types of national interests, threats and evaluates and designs how such security is expected to be achieved. The current national security system encounters difficulty in coordinating national security interest, policy and resources with different government and non government organizations at central and local level.

The national security system demonstrates a disturbingly varying capacity to provide adequate and timely resources. Achieving adequate cooperation between civil and military actors in developing and implementing security policies is a persistent challenge. The organizational arrangements are misaligned with our security threats. There is a culture of empire building i.e. there is a tendency of vertical growth rather than horizontal cross-culturing. Different agencies are working without or poor coordination. The resources and expertise of one agency is not used by others. Therefore, security has not been complete, integrated and collective effort.

The national security system fails to achieve systematic policy ends in a consistently efficient manner––inflicting corresponding security costs. The unsystematic, nonexistent, or otherwise flawed strategy development have decreased the system’s ability to achieve effective unity of effort and resourcing. The change in policy and practices as and when political parties come into power has adverse effects on the functions of security agencies. The system is ever-unstable with the in-and-out of one party in the power steering.

Municipalities and civilian departments have important role in the maintenance of security. However, these institutions are under resourced and culturally and administratively unprepared for national security. Part of this problem is due to the nearly non-existing national security concept, definition, and policy. The local municipalities and civil departments are not considered as part of the national security mainstream. The local development packages do not contain security strategy and plan; nor are the geographical jurisdictions of police aligned with that of local municipalities.

The security and justice systems that we have developed are far from the reach of common people. For many reasons, these service systems are slow, unscientific, biased, costly, traditional, insulting, incapable, and inefficient. We have not given enough attention to the consultation, consent, commitment, and participation of local community in regards to security and justice. People lack trust and confidence of the security agencies; they simply disown the system.

What needs to be done?

The traditional concept and definitions of security have changed. With these, the rapidity and complexity of changes have expanded, deepened and increased our challenges and responsibilities too. Our approach to security management has been traditional and poor. Our apparatus are misplaced and are incompetent to cope with the new requirements. We lack the realization for change management; we lack administrative and managerial capacities to fight back our own inherent outdated character. We do not have knowledge based skills or sufficient quantity and quality of leadership that can manage change. We also lack bureaucratic agility and flexibility in our current national security system to adjust to realities on the ground or to changing dynamics.

The state must take immediate action to formulate immediate and short-term strategic policy, laws and regulations to reinstate law and security. The government’s recent move for police reform is welcome step. However, they lack some foundational prerequisites to be more effective. The time call is that there is a need for re-engineering of the whole policy and infrastructure of the security system; education to the stakeholders; and enforcement of security laws and policies to achieve the desired goals of the aspirant people of New Nepal. Some of the basic starting points towards improved security could be:

a. National security reform must be conducted with a wide and deep appreciation for the context within which national security interests are pursued. The system must focus on shaping requirements for meeting a wide range of present and future challenges, not just on those generated by current crisis.

b. Effective oversight has become all the more crucial to ensure that the new responses to security problems are devised and implemented with full transparency and accountability. In absence of any check and balance system, there is risk of security services misinterpreting their mission and acting like a “state within the state”, either placing heavy strains on scarce resources, or exerting excessive political and economic influence. We have witnessed military hampering democratization and even increasing the conflicts around the world. The parliamentary oversight role to prevent and control such situations is much opted option.

c. The social crime prevention is aimed at reducing the political, social, economic and environmental factors conducive to particular types of crime. Without an adequate focus on crime prevention, the justice system will remain overburdened. To rely on law enforcement alone will incur huge costs associated with investigation, prosecution and imprisonment. International experiences have shown that it is more cost effective in the medium to long term to invest in schemes which prevent crime, than in simply spending more on the institutions of policing (by means of 'militarizing'), courts and corrections. These reactive responses to crime—in addition to proving more expensive in the longer term—also do little to improve the quality of life of the country's citizens. The education on security, peace and harmony could be one of several approaches to safer society.

d. Law enforcing agencies must respect the rule of law and operate according to professional code of ethics. Democratic policing is a bottom-up process, responding to the needs and concerns of individual citizens and community groups, and seeking the trust, consent and support of the public. It therefore relies on transparency and dialogue. It is more about adopting a strategy of “demilitarizing” police. Nepal needs to work out a suitable model of law enforcement mechanism which is coherent and responsive to local needs and spirit. The community based security structures—making local bodies and communities the ‘master’—will definitely increase responsibilities and accountabilities of security apparatus: be it military or police.

e. We need to educate our politicians and party cadres to respect the rule of the law and democratic values and norms if we really want to see democratic societies in real sense. The important steps towards sustainable peace and harmony are the commitment from political parties. The Charter of all political parties should express strong commitment (and act accordingly) to the service and welfare of people rather than strive for power and wealth.

f. The police must operate in accord with the principles of democracy. This means, in operational context, the police must have a law consistent to the international norms, that the police should be trained in the law, that they should understand international standards of human rights, and should act in accordance with the criminal code. Police operations themselves should be governed by written policies that are available to the public. In other words, the management, execution and articulation of all police activity should reflect commitment to the rule of law.

g. The police, as recipients of public trust, should be considered as professionals whose conduct must be governed by a code of professional conduct. More than a mere collection of rules, this code should reflect the highest ethical values and should provide the basis upon which allegations of misconduct can be judged and disciplinary action taken.

h. The police must conduct their activities with respect for human dignity and basic human rights. Specifically, the agreement stated that torture or other cruel or degrading treatment could not be practiced nor countenanced and that officers should be expected to report all instances of alleged human rights violations. The police are expected to discharge their duties in a nondiscriminatory manner.

Conclusion

The security system in 'New Nepal' needs overhauling. Today we need to redesign and deliver our security services by complying with the principles that the security policies and services realistically match the threats we face today or may face in future. The security policies and practices should be more consistent and reasoned thereby reducing inefficiencies and enabling us to allocate scarce resources effectively. Our security standards and procedures should result in the fair and equitable treatment of those upon whom we rely to guard the nation's security, and our security policies, practices, and procedures provide the needed security at a price the nation can afford.

References:

A Resilient Nation: National Security Green Paper, Policy Green Paper No. 13, UK
Fluri , Philipp, Hans Born, Parliamentary oversight of the security sector: Principles, mechanisms and practices, IPU-DCAF, 2003
Home Department, UK, Protecting the Public; Supporting Police for Support, Dec 2009
Mastrofski, Stephen D., "Policing For People", Ideas in American Policing, Police Foundation, 1999
Saferworld, Public perceptions of security in Nepal, Jan 2009
The Police Reform Task Force, UK, Policing the People, 2007
Upreti, Bisnu Raj, Security Sector Transformation in the Changing Political Context: Special Reference to Nepalese Army, Aug 2007
Watson, Charlotte, Rebecca Crozier, Security for Whom?: Security Sector Reform and Public Security in Nepal, IFP and International Alert, Jan 2009

Centre for Security and Justice Studies

2011-12-27T23:10:00.000-08:00

In one of the interaction programs organized by the Centre for Security and justice Studies (CSJS) a theme paper on the issue of police reform was presented by me. This was followed by another meeting with the retired secretaries of Ministry of Home(MoH) on the issue of policing. This discussion identified key issues for further discussion and actions: emerging security threats, police reform and development, Police Service Commission, Metropolitan Police, and capacity building of police. On 23 Dec 2011, the Centre organized an interaction program with the retired secretaries of MoH and retired and serving police officers on the issue of Police Service Commission (PSC) at Hotel Radisson. The interaction centred on the importance and need for the PSC, the need for a new PSC Act, the functions, the composition, accountability and the relationship of PSC, MoH and Police Headquarters.

Hokse is 'Kidney Bank' village

2011-12-27T23:02:00.000-08:00

On Dec 16, I attended a seminar on the problem of high rate of human trafficking for kidney in Hoksey--known as "Kidney Bank"-- of Kavrepalanchok district of Nepal. More than sixty people have already sold out their kidney from that single village. The locals were furious that the police were not responsive to this problem. They complained that the police did not act saying that 'no victims have complained to police'. In my opinion the police must act immediately to this problem to prevent further trafficking. I suggested for launching 'Operation Hoksey' to control this crime.

Comprehensive security package

2011-10-10T01:17:00.000-07:00

This is in reference to the news 'Comprehensive package revealed' The Himalayan Times, dated 10 Oct 2011, p. 1

Security is a wider concept than just focusing on policing crime; security is multi-faceted aspect. The domain of security include: national, human, political, economic, social, and environmental security aspects. Though the degree of security threats and diverse range of circumstances may vary, the demand for safety and security is right of every citizen—not limited to any targeted group or organization. Today Nepal is facing multiple security problems—these are the consequences of swelling effects of our past erroneous resolutions. In the past we have reacted to security crisis incrementally not systematically; we have responded with haste driven by political insistence not with patience and wisdom. We have acted out of compulsions—we compromised with values, norms and standards.
Today we need to redesign and deliver our security services by complying with the principles that the security policies and services realistically match the threats we face today or may face in future. The security policies and practices should be more consistent and reasoned thereby reducing inefficiencies and enabling us to allocate scarce resources effectively. Our security standards and procedures should result in the fair and equitable treatment of those upon whom we rely to guard the nation's security; and our security policies, practices, and procedures provide the needed security at a price the nation can afford.

My early photograph with father in 1959

2011-09-24T04:15:00.001-07:00

With my cousin brother Man Bahadur (right). This photo was taken on 2.2.1959 at Alhilal, India. I--with my cousin brother Man Bahadur who retired as Hony. Capt from 5/3GR and who was a veteran boxer and won All India Services and National Championship--had arrived at Alhilal on 30.1.1959 from Daha, Dibrung, Gulmi, Nepal.

My parents

2011-09-24T03:23:00.001-07:00

Cambodia visit

2011-07-19T02:36:00.000-07:00

My visit to Cambodia on 4-7 July 2011

Situated on the Indochinese peninsula, Cambodia is bordered by Thailand and Laos on the north and Vietnam on the east and south. The Gulf of Thailand is off the western coast. The size of Missouri, the country consists chiefly of a large alluvial plain ringed by mountains with the Mekong River to the east. The plain is centered around Lake Tonle Sap, which is a natural storage basin of the Mekong.
Government: Multiparty liberal democracy under a constitutional monarchy.
History: The area that is present-day Cambodia came under Khmer rule about 600, when the region was at the center of a vast empire that stretched over most of Southeast Asia. Under the Khmers, who were Hindus, a magnificent temple complex was constructed at Angkor. Buddhism was introduced in the 12th century during the rule of Jayavaram VII. However, the kingdom, then known as Kambuja, fell into decline after Jayavaram's reign and was nearly annihilated by Thai and Vietnamese invaders. Kambuja's power steadily diminished until 1863, when France colonized the region, joining Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam into a single protectorate known as French Indochina.
The French quickly usurped all but ceremonial powers from the monarch, Norodom. When he died in 1904, the French passed over his sons and handed the throne to his brother, Sisowath. Sisowath and his son ruled until 1941, when Norodom Sihanouk was elevated to power. Sihanouk's coronation, along with the Japanese occupation during the war, worked to reinforce a sentiment among Cambodians that the region should be free from outside control. After World War II, Cambodians sought independence, but France was reluctant to part with its colony. Cambodia was granted independence within the French Union in 1949. But the French-Indochinese War provided an opportunity for Sihanouk to gain full military control of the country. He abdicated in 1955 in favor of his parents, remaining head of the government, and when his father died in 1960, Sihanouk became chief of state without returning to the throne. In 1963, he sought a guarantee of Cambodia's neutrality from all parties in the Vietnam War.
However, North Vietnamese and Vietcong troops had begun using eastern Cambodia as a safe haven from which to launch attacks into South Vietnam, making it increasingly difficult to stay out of the war. An indigenous Communist guerrilla movement known as the Khmer Rouge also began to put pressure on the government in Phnom Penh. On March 18, 1970, while Sihanouk was abroad, anti-Vietnamese riots broke out and Sihanouk was overthrown by Gen. Lon Nol. The Vietnam peace agreement of 1973 stipulated withdrawal of foreign forces from Cambodia, but fighting continued between Hanoi-backed insurgents and U.S.-supplied government troops.
Emergence of the Khmer Rouge
Combat climaxed in April 1975 when the Lon Nol regime was overthrown by Pol Pot, leader of the Khmer Rouge forces. The four years of nightmarish Khmer Rouge rule led to the state-sponsored extermination of citizens by its own government. Between 1 million and 2 million people were massacred on the “killing fields” of Cambodia or worked to death through forced labor. Pol Pot's radical vision of transforming the country into a Marxist agrarian society led to the virtual extermination of the country's professional and technical classes.
Pol Pot was ousted by Vietnamese forces on Jan. 8, 1979, and a new pro-Hanoi government led by Heng Samrin was installed. Pol Pot and 35,000 Khmer Rouge fighters fled into the hills of western Cambodia, where they were joined by forces loyal to the ousted Sihanouk in a guerrilla movement aimed at overthrowing the Heng Samrin government. The Vietnamese plan originally called for a withdrawal by early 1990 and a negotiated political settlement. The talks became protracted, however, and a UN agreement was not signed until 1992, when Sihanouk was appointed leader of an interim Supreme National Council convened to run the country until elections could be held in 1993.

Free elections in May 1993 saw the defeat of Heng Samrin's successor, Hun Sen, who refused to accept the outcome of the vote. In early July, Hun Sen took advantage of the country's political turmoil to depose Prince Norodom Ranariddh, the country's only popularly elected leader. Hun Sen later launched a brutal purge, executing more than 40 political opponents. Shortly after the July coup, the Khmer Rouge organized a show trial of their notorious leader, Pol Pot, who had not been seen by the West in more than two decades. He was sentenced to house arrest for his crimes against humanity. He died on April 15, 1998. In the July 1998 election, Hun Sen defeated opposition leaders Sam Rainsy and Prince Ranariddh, but the opposition parties accused him of voter fraud. Cambodia was able to regain its UN seat, lost nearly a year earlier as a result of Hun Sen's coup.
Source: http://www.infoplease.com/ipa/A0107378.html

Sex work and trafficking

2011-06-13T01:46:00.000-07:00

Sex work refers to the practice of engaging in sexual activities for reward. It involves the exchange of labour for an agreed upon amount of money, goods or services. Trafficking, on the other hand, refers to the movement of people, against their will, for purposes of exploitation, which may include sexual exploitation.

The difference between sex work and trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation is that sex work reflects an individual’s decision to engage in a sexual transaction, while exploitation through trafficking occurs against the will of the victim. Difficult circumstances may impact on an individual’s choice to engage in sex work, and in some cases sex work may be deemed an undesirable but necessary means to a living. Nevertheless, sex work reflects a conscious choice by the individual. In the case of trafficking, a third party effectively forces a man, woman or child into exploitative circumstances.

Migration Issue Brief 4 @ www.migration.org.za

The scourge of small arms in Nepal

2011-05-25T00:12:00.001-07:00

The number of reported incidents indicates that the use of small arms in various criminal activities is in increasing trend in Nepal. The whole country is suffering from its brunt, however, Terai area and big cities are more affected. The sources of small arms in Nepal are threefold: locally manufactured, smuggling across the borders, and looted from the security personnel and citizens. The main motives behind acquiring the small arms are criminal activities and direct monetary benefits. The trend of using small arms is thrived by various factors: impunity, politicization of crime, increasing gun-culture in the society, and criminalization of politics. The law against small arms is not implemented effectively in the country. The prominent reason behind this is lack of intelligence with police and other law enforcing agencies. The security agencies need to exhibit professionalism with efficient operational intelligence system and specialist team to combat this menace. However, the law enforcement is only one side of the coin; each community has a role to play to stop it.

Policing youth offending

2011-04-26T01:40:00.000-07:00

Policing youth is a complex issue; it has multiple aspects. The nature of contacts between the youths and the police is usually within the narrow confines of law enforcement setting. The quality of such contacts perhaps is the basis for the kind of the relationship shared by Youths and the Police. A relationship characterized by mistrust, intimidation, misunderstanding which has most often led to indiscriminate violence resulting in destruction of state and private properties and claiming lots of lives of innocent citizens. Youths hanging around the disco and bars and indulging in immoral activities, drugs, gang fights, violence and crime is certainly a concern of every family and the community. Pressure from members of the public, the media and elites on the police to crack down on crime has often led to disproportionate attention of law enforcement officials on the youth who are seen to fall within the age of crime. This has led to the use of more aggressive forms of intervention against the youth, which fuels the mutual animosity between them and the police. Nepal Police have been rounding up Youths time and again to 'cleanse' them out of the disco and bars. They have been applying interventionist tactics only. However, the police solutions are not the right 'prescription' for this kind of problem. Moreover, there are juveniles whose offending is generally spontaneous, unsophisticated and less serious than adult offending. Treating juveniles as adult and hardened criminals may turn out to be counter-productive. The police are only one of many stakeholders to play the role and their methods are rather conventional one. The prevention of youth crime will require a multi-sector approach- -shared responsibility. There is need for combined approach to policing: the youth-police partnership, public-police partnership, and engaging family, schools, and commercial sectors to play a proactive role to prevent and control youth offending. This warrants for a better policing strategies and professionalism.

Illusory Security

2011-04-18T00:51:00.000-07:00

This is in response to the Editorial "Illusory Security"(THT, dated 15 April, 2011). In post-conflict societies, there are often urgent needs to establish a basic sense of law and order. Only after this has been achieved, can the wider issues of safety and security be addressed. The continuum from disorder to order, to safety and security is the essential starting point for justice and security delivery in post-conflict states. Looking at the current situation of law and order in Nepal, still much remains to be done by the present government to reinforce the peace and security. The challenging situation of law and order in the country has many backdrop settings. Crime is a complex issue. The fundamental tasks of police are protection of life and property; prevention and detection of crime; maintenance of public law and order; and provision of assistance to the public. At the time when criminals have joined hands across countries(for various interests), the police still operate traditionally along hierarchical lines and are further hindered by bureaucratic rivalry and competition, inter-agency antipathies, and reluctance to share information and coordinate operations. The successful investigations of highly organized crimes depend upon the baseline groundwork of police responsible for preventing and controlling these types of crimes and the international collaboration. The growing complexity of the business of policing in Nepal has warranted increased knowledge and information gathering, strategic planning and effective management of resources. The police need a scientific process to better derive decisions and improve efficiency to minimize security risks and arouse a sense of security among the citizen. Dr. Govind Prasad Thapa, Satdobato

Restorative justice for victims of sexual violence?

2010-11-29T21:25:00.000-08:00

Many rape victims, I think majority of them, are not satisfied with the existing adversarial type of criminal justice system. They express their dissatisfaction that even if the perpetrators are jailed for years what do the victims get out of it? I consider restorative justice system to help them find justice in their communities. I like the idea of reconciliation between the two sides and lead a new life instead of spending miserable life after the incident.

Rowdy behaviors of CA members

2010-11-19T22:15:00.001-08:00

The act of manhandling a minister inside the parliament hurt me. I regret to have such kinds of politicians in Nepal. I also regret to have voted and vested my confidence upon them to build a new Nepal. Patriotism, integrity, intelligence, and honesty are some of the qualities that every politician must be decked with. A good politician always establishes a set of moral code and ground rules for himself for dealing with issues of national interests. The unruly behaviors of some Constituent Assembly (CA) members inside the parliament on Friday portrays the culture of violence in Nepali politics. It appears that UCPN (Maoist) are not going to mend their ways. It is high time that we all decided of other alternatives to stop such people with no civil sense whatsoever becoming our ‘leaders’ and leading us all into an abyss.
Published in Republica, 22 Nov 2010, p. 7

Security checking at airports

2010-10-23T06:35:00.000-07:00

After a week long workshop on peace program development in Payap University,Chiang Mai I enjoyed the evening chat with my old brother Yam in his residence at Ratchada Pavillion, Bangkok with couple of whiskey and dinner. We remembered all the good old days of our Kanhaiya War Memmorial hostel of Dehradun. Next day I felt very sad and sorry for the bottle of whiskey which he had offered me was not allowed--not even a bottle of water-- to carry inside the airport by the security authority (though there were varieties of these in the duty free shops just couple of yards from them and these are carried inside the plane without any restrictions). This is utterly nonsense example of professionalism on the part of security authorities. In the name of security the authorities should stop such kind of acts which has no sense at all. I would have appreciated if they had been able to seize drugs and weapons during such checkings--but what is the logic of seizing water and whiskey at the entrance when they are in abundance inside.

Peace in the South Asia region

2010-09-17T23:04:00.000-07:00

This is my response to the email sent to me:

Dear Zahid,

My greetings. Thank you for the information about your South Asia Centre for Peace. As the security environment in South Asia is very vulnerable, I fully support your initiatives to address the problem. Education on peace is one area which could really bring changes in the region. Education and awareness among the general mass will strengthen the peace process in the region. We are planning to offer Diploma in Conflict and Peace Management leading to Post Graduate and Master level Degree in future. I wish to see international collaboration and students in the program. I look forward to collaborate in our mission.

It was my great opportunity to visit your beautiful country in 2004 for the 4th SAARC Conference on Cooperation in Police Matters in Islamabad. I enjoyed the warm hospitality of your people. I was impressed by the history and culture of the place.

I express my deep concern and sorrow for the tremendous loss of human life and property due to the floods in recent past in Pakistan.

My best regards.

Dr. Govind P. Thapa

Constitution making is your first duty Mr CA Member

2010-08-24T06:44:00.001-07:00

Some time ago, I had sent this email to Prof Dr Indrajit Rai:
"Dear Prof Rai Sir,
For this year we have decided not to trouble you for the classes.
Since Constitution making is most important task, please concentrate
on that and complete the task on time. Do not worry about the class we
will handle it.
Thanks.
govind"
Few days before, in a fit of anger, he called me at home and expressed his anger and frustration over the decision. He was especailly angry that I was 'teaching' him things about Constitution making. I am adamant to keep the quality of the education at Master level and cannot compromise.

Paradigm shift in industrial security

2010-08-24T06:42:00.000-07:00

Extract of the article published in Republica on 19 Aug, p. 7
We will have to wait to witness that even after the deployment of the force, the core problems of security at the operational stage will remain unchanged. On the one hand, this “force” in no way is going to solve the operation security challenges of the businesses: The threats to employees and data piracy will remain as before and the corruption and sabotage on part of the dishonest employees will always torment the organizations. The union problems in these business houses will not evaporate. On the other hand, the maintenance cost of such a force will be huge and counterproductive in the long run. This will extort the limited resources of the stakeholders for seemingly good reason but bad plan.

Generally, we have lack of understanding of business security risk; most of us depend either on state machinery or “right” insurance. Many businesses have failed to explicitly align security activities to strategic drivers – organization’s mission, goals, and objectives – by using them as an organization’s critical success factors. The senior management even fails to recognize the organizational value of security, to sponsor security efforts, and to recognize their role in security governance and prefer to continue focus on the ad hoc and intermittent type of management. For durable solution, the private sector leaders will have to opt to capitalize the capability and resources to use internal security governance to uphold adequate security in a constantly changing business, customer, risk, and technology environment.

Violence against women and justice

2010-08-04T07:05:00.000-07:00

Violence against women & justice
DR GOVIND P THAPA

Human rights are universal, inalienable, indivisible, interconnected and interdependent. Every individual, without regard to race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or status, is entitled to the respect, protection, exercise and enjoyment of all the elementary human rights and freedoms. Sexual and gender-based violence is a violation of human rights. They violate a number of human rights principles enshrined in international human rights instruments. Sexual and gender-based violence includes more than sexual assault and rape. These kinds of violence perpetuate the stereotyping of gender roles that denies human dignity of the individual and stymies human development.

The violence against women is important to justice; women having problems with access to justice is more so. The access to justice is the condition and ability of an individual to seek justice upon infringement of his or her rights. This entails that victims who wish to seek legal redress for the crimes committed against them can do so in timely manner, they are treated in equal, fair and impartial manner, they obtain legal assistance, and they get restitution and compensation for their loss. This also insures that they participate effectively in the legal system through access to courts, tribunals and alternative dispute resolution, and they obtain safety and security to exercise their rights. Access to justice refers to the extent to which an appropriate package of services can be obtained by individuals in a given situation.

The right to justice for the victims is primary. The Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Power has made provisions for access to justice and fair treatment, restitution, compensation, and assistance. It has recommended that the victims of crime and power be “treated with compassion and respect for their dignity.” The Declaration has made number of specific provisions. For example, the victims should be treated with compassion and respect for their dignity, they are entitled to access to the mechanism of justice and to prompt redress for the harm that they have suffered, judicial and administrative mechanisms should be established and strengthened, and victims should be informed of their rights in seeking redress through such mechanisms.
The present criminal justice system has to be transformed into a more human, responsive, fair, accessible, inexpensive and dynamic service system. If necessary, it must be replaced by a proper alternative system.
Rape and sexual assaults are quite often victimless crimes. Many cases go under the sheet of blanket due to societal culture. Any member of the family falling victim to sexual assault is a cause of stress for the members of the family. The relationship between the victim and family members and communities turn into stressful and often end up in disasters. The socio-cultural context to victimization becomes important in this respect. The societies often stigmatize, intimidate, coerce and socially exclude the victims. These kinds of attitudes often silence the victims and devalue their quality of life.

The victims also have right to criminal justice. But the formal processes of the criminal justice system have been the most vulnerable to critique from the perspective of victims. There are evidences that support the fact that the access to justice to victims of rape and sexual assaults are limited in Nepal. Many victims strive to cope with the experience of sexual victimization without the psychological, legal, medical and economic support. The society and the actors of criminal justice system respond in a passive, indifferent, and negative manner to the rights of these victims. The victims are left alone to fight with the post-incident trauma coupled with health and economic problems. They face difficulties with their testimony in the courts also. They do not get any counseling or coaching from the public prosecutors. They also have to recount their “story” several times in the process of court investigation. The police and court officials are not sensitive and supportive. They treat victims as “items of evidences”. They blame the victims. The experiences of the whole criminal proceedings from initial contact to the police to court appearance are testing one for the survivors.

This writer had encountered with several victims of sexual violence in the process of research. Each of the accounts of the victims represented a personal construction of events and their impacts, in other words, a subjective interpretation. Some did not wish to revisit the traumas. Others had thought about their abusive experiences constantly but had taken no action or the case being dropped after initial investigation. Several victims related how being abused carried a stigma, and a strong sense of personal shame and guilt, or feeling of “being dirty”. Others seemed to include a wish to rid them of unresolved past trauma that continued to impact negatively on their lives and the possibility of obtaining justice as well as an acknowledgment of the harm that had been done to them.

Indeed the definitions and meaning of justice are not universal. These are different from people to people; from context to context. In the case of rape and sexual assaults, victims-blaming is very prominent behavior in our societies. The trauma, the humiliation, the indictment, the stigma, and the retaliation that the victims have to bear in their life are simply beyond imagining. In such an environment, the victims are less likely to report a crime. This points toward that the victims have more to lose than gain out of reporting the crime. This leads to the fact that the access to justice is a challenge in itself for many victims; for many disadvantaged ones, the criminal justice system does not exist at all.

The complete solution of the problem of under-reporting of rape and sexual assaults, the low conviction of perpetrators, and the socio-cultural attitudes and behaviors of families, communities and societies lies in the inner core of heart than peripheral. The problem of social indictment, slighting, exclusion, and stigma of sexual and gender-based violence cannot be handled single-handedly, it requires integrated approach. On one side, we need to change the whole socio-cultural environment related to this problem. On the other, the present criminal justice system has to be transformed into a more human, responsive, fair, accessible, inexpensive and dynamic service system. If necessary, it must be replaced by a proper alternative system.

(Writer is Program Coordinator, Master in Security Management, Kathmandu University School of Management and former Additional IGP, Nepal Police.)

gpthapa@gmail.com

Published in Republica on 2010-08-02 00:29:50

Human trafficking

2010-07-29T18:40:00.000-07:00

29 Jul 2010. I attended two-day’s workshop on human trafficking. The event was facilitated by Sapana Pradhan Malla. There were government, non-government, and some international organizations. The workshop mostly dwelt around the issues of conceptual clarity of ‘trafficking’, prevention, investigation, prosecution, and protection of survivors. The very characteristic nature of this problem demands a multi-sectored, multidisciplinary, and multi jurisdictional approach. I also raised that there should be a collaboration in between the professionals and academia to fully understand and solve the problem. Sadly, there is no proper coordination mechanism among different stakeholders to fight against this problem. Since this is a special problem for us, there is a need for a special body and mechanism to combat it.

My work contract

2010-07-16T00:27:00.000-07:00

I have been working as regular full time Program Coordinator of Master in Security Management program since 2007 in Kathmandu University School of Management(KUSOM). From tomorrow, I will be working on part-time basis. I have proposed for offering new courses on Peace and Conflict Management--Diploma, PG Diploma, and Master program.

I received Nischal's letter

2010-07-13T22:57:00.000-07:00

Dear father,

How've you been? It's glad to hear that your operation went off well. I spoke with mom that weekend and was relieved to find out that you were recovering fast and well enough. But it was sad to find out that you keep talking about dying etc...

It pains me when i hear about it specially when it is coming from a person like you, to whom we both, aloo and me, look up to. Irrespective of not living with you together for a long long time, we both have learnt a lot - how to work as an honest person, about being loyal, gaining self respect etc.

I know it must be difficult for you and mother at this age, when both of us are not there to help you out with the house-hold and to support but it doesn't mean that we don't care about you both. I do miss home sometimes. Both of us do feel guilty that we're not there when something good/bad happens to enjoy or to help ease out the pain. One of the reasons i stayed for more than 50 days when i came home was because i wanted to be with you both (in spite of being shouted at for not getting married almost everyday). I stayed because i knew once i start working i won't have the luxury to do it again.

As selfish as it might sound that i refuse to come to Nepal and work, i feel that there's not much scope for me there in the field that i am in. Bigger reason is that in Nepal, i'll be known only as your son, something i've realised long long time back. So back then, I had decided that i don't want to be someone under your shadow and rather do something on my own. That's why i prefer working outside Nepal for it gives me the satisfaction that i've earned my job all by myself. And the pay is not that bad either. My current salary is around 60,000 IC, that's a whopping 1 lakh NC a month. I know, i can already hear mom saying "so what! we'll never get to see that money!" ha ha ha... but yeah, I am still not happy with my pay so i'm working towards it.

As for Aloo, i'm guessing he's waiting for things to get better. He's had a rough time, so we at this stage should leave him and let him do what he wants to do in order to survive there. We all know that he's a great kid and will do something in future.

Which brings us back to the absence of both of us. I'm really busy right now and have been for the last 3 months. i've been going home late everyday. I wanted to write this mail earlier but just couldn't because there was just too much to say. I've just finished my work for the day and it's three in the morning as i write you this mail. So having said that, whenever you both feel lonely, you both can come over to Bangalore. That's the only solution i can suggest until Dashera when i hope to come home.

So, please hold on for we need you more than you think we do. My dhog to mom. My sairam to thulo ama and thulo buwa, for whom my heart cries every time i think of them because there's absolutely no one to take care of them. And my namaste to everyone there.

Regards | Nischal.
14 Jul 2010

From my diary

2010-07-06T03:16:00.000-07:00

Thursday, July 22, 2010
Small Arms Contol
Attended one meeting organized by UN Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Asia and the Pacific. The police and NGOs presented papers on the damage from illicit small arms in the country. My concerns are not only the illicit weapons but also the licit weapons that have been used or abused in several violent criminal activities, suicides, and accidents. Even the security force personnel have been found guilty of miusing the weapons causing harms to the public. There is a need to control the licencing procedures and criterias to possess small arms--even to the police and military personnel.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 1:28 PM 0 comments

Friday, 2 July 2010
It was Friday 2 July 2010. I had been invited to give lecture on 'Public role in policing crime' at National Police Academy. I was feeling some kind of uneasiness during the whole day. I decided to go to Gangalal Heart Centre which is quite nearby. I was admitted for examinations. I stayed there for two nights. The examinations revealed no problem with the heart. Perhaps it was due to gastritis.

Friday, June 25, 2010
Education Program in Security Management
After my retirement from police service in 2006, my friends asked me to join a newly established Classic College International. I joined it as a promoter. I proposed that a new program on security management could be started in bachelor level. We designed the syllabi. We sought KU's approval to own the program. The Kathmandu University recognized the need for academic program on security issues to address with increasing concern for security of individuals, groups, and institutions in the society. The University undertook the program to invest on comprehensive approach to managing security function across all segments of the society. It responded to take up the challenge of preparing human resources for professionally managing security function in line with the evolving nature of and requirements in the security sector.
The Security Management curriculum was revised to enrich both theoretical and practical knowledge in security management while helping them to enhance the depth and breadth of their managerial capabilities. It contains the best and the latest in security management knowledge and practice to keep participants updated with the evolving nature and challenges of security management profession from the perspective of practitioners. The University offered first security program in Post Graduate Diploma in Security Management in 2007. Today the University offers two degree options: Post Graduate Diploma in Security Management (PGDSM) and Master in Security Management (MSM). PGDSM is a yearlong study program earning 30 credit hours in three terms of 14 weeks each. Two years study in six terms and completion of 55 credit hours earn MSM degree.
After nearly three years of experience, we are thinking of offering Diploma in Conflict and Peace Management from this coming October session. The syllabi development is in progresss. We are also seeking few visiting scholars for this course. We are seeking help of Fulbright Commission in this regard.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 3:42 PM 0 comments

Envisioning Nepal 2030
24 June 2010. I attended a seminar today. The topic of the seminar was 'Envisioning Nepal 2030'--a kind on day dreaming. Several presentations were made on education, transportation, agriculture, security, science and technology, women empowerment, industry, and environment. Hard questionscame up during the sessions: How we are going to manage the education of children living in rural areas? There are 70 lakh children in the school level, only 3 lakh of them can be accommodated in higher education. What is going to happen to other 67 lakh children? Is our education system capable of helping individuals stand up independently? Which classes of people are contributing more in the national economy (government says that the main source of national economy is said to be remittance) the highly educated or the labor force working abroad? Why are we not competitive in the global market? Why there is no business community and university collaboration? Are road infrastructures helping development or destroying tourism? How much expenditure on security apparatus is enough? What arethe alternatives? How we are going to cope with the global warming? etc.As for the security aspects I shared my thoughts that we need to socialize the security system not just reform security sector. For this, we need to start giving education on peace and security right from the primary level.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 9:21 AM 0 comments

15 March 2009. Rockefeller Foundation, Bellagio Study Center, Italy
Our stay in the Bellagio Center, has been our life-time-experience. We enjoyed the rich history, culture, art, and knowledge of the Center. We are indebted to the Center for providing the serene, solemn, tranquil and idyllic environment for us to learn and revitalize our energy and stamina for future works in the cause of humanity. We have enjoyed every moment of natural beauty of the neighborhood of the Center and shared our love, warmth and affection with each of the flowers, plants and creatures of the Center. These memories will remain life-long with us. My dear spouse Visnu Thapa also joins me to say thank you Pilar and Elena and all Bellagio Center staffs for everything that you have done for us. We wish every success to Rockefeller Foundation, Bellagio Study and Conference Center every moment.
Dr. Govind P. Thapa and Visnu Thapa
(We stayed from 16 Feb—16 Mar 2009)

Touring the village Daha

2010-06-16T19:42:00.000-07:00

These are some of the photographs taken during our visist to the village on 7 Pus 2065 BS.

The Headmaster and Deputy Headmaster of the school in their office

This is the new school building being constructed nearby.

The old building of the school. The condition of the building is dilapiting.

I am sharing my experiences with the students of Bhima Primary School established in 2013 BS.

Mr. Tek Bahadur Thapa Galami talking to students

About myself

2010-06-16T19:18:00.000-07:00

My ancestral place is Daha of Dibrung Village Development Committee (VDC) of Gulmi district of western Nepal. My mother told me that I was born in Dehra Dun of India. According to my education certificates, my date of birth is 16th September 1952. I belong to Balal sub-tribe of Magar. My father used Thapa for his surname because the Indian Army would not enroll Balal. My great great grandfather was Sadhu Balal, believed to have migrated from Bamgha of Gulmi (although no concrete evidences found so far). He had three sons (my great grandfathers). My Mahila (second) great grandfather was killed by a Gurung of Dhauladip of Gulmi for personal enmity. Tikaram Balal was my great grandfather. He had thirteen sons and eight daughters. My grandfather, Nar Singh Thapa, was a Subedar in Indian Army. He had four sons (my father being the youngest-Kanchha). My father, Sher Bahadur Thapa, joined 1/3 GR of Indian Army. At the time of retirement he was Subedar Major of NCC Siliguri of West Bengal in 1972. He retired as Subedar-Major and Honorary Lieutenant of Indian Army in 1972. He was promoted to Honorary Captain in the subsequent year. He died of accident in 1975 when he was on a mission to fix the kulo (drinking water rivulet) along the Bhatikhola-Daha section. He had two sons—Govind, that is me, the eldest and Ramu being the Kanchha (though the third son died quite early). I have two sons—Nischal and Alok; Ramu has three sons—Navin, Balbahadur, and Avinash. Navin and Balbahadur have two sons each. Ramu joined EME Battalion of Indian Army and subsequently left the service after eleven years. I joined Nepal Police as Inspector in 1974. I served Nepal Police for thirty-one and half years and retired as Additional Inspector General of Police (AIGP) on 15 March 2006. Despite of being Magar my families do not speak Magar language. My forefathers worshipped Nature (Bonism?) but later on they began to follow Hinduism too.

Currently I am faculty and Program Coordinator of Master in Security Management program in Kathmandu University School of Management. I am teaching Fundamentals of security management and Enterprise Security in the program. I am a retired additional inspector general of Nepal police. I served in police for more than three decades. I achieved my PhD degree holder in human trafficking and law enforcement. I also hold Master Degree in Public Administration and Arts. I am also a Law graduate.

I have contributed to the establishment of police women and child service centres to facilitate victims' easy access to police office. I am also strong advocate of community policing strategy for crime control. I have also presented seminar papers in several international and national conferences on the issues of security and justice. I have successfully investigated several criminal cases of organized nature. I have a wide experience in developing strategies for counter insurgency, criminal justice system, human resources development, and policing. I have experience of presenting seminar papers in national international seminars on issues of security, gender, and access to justice. I have experience of research, teaching, training, organizing seminar/workshops, and monitoring and evaluation of projects.

I have served as consultants to UNOHCHR, DFID, IOM, DCAF, GTZ, UNICEF, and SNV on matters of human rights, policing, and security. I have officially visited several countries including: Aruba, Austria, Bangladesh, Canada, China, France, Germany, Pakistan, Hong Kong, India, Italy, Japan, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Spain, Sri Lanka, UK, and USA.

With my wife Vishnu

The scenic view of my house at Daha

My heart problem

2010-06-14T18:54:00.000-07:00

Friday, 11 June 2010.
It was second time that I had to undergo an operation for angioplasty and stenting for partially blocked artery. The first one was on 8 Oct 2009. The science has made our life longer and safer. Cholesterol is the main cause for this problem. Diatory rules have to be followed.

Wednesday, June 02, 2010
Apology for error
The Bibhusan Samiti responsible for recommending the names of persons for honor and medals has apologized for the error and recommended the cabinet to strip off the medal from DIG Kuber Rana and DIG Durja Rai announced earlier. Infact the department heads should have not recommended their names. The Samiti has also committed mistake by sanctioning the error without much seriousness. The Samiti has also appealed persons, those who have rejected, to accept the honor and medals after the correction.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 7:40 AM 0 comments

Monday, May 31, 2010
The row on Honor, Decoration and Medal
On the occasion of Republic Day, Nepal government conferred honors, decorations and medals to 269 people for their distinguished services. However, there are disattisfaction concerning the proper parameter for the evaluation of the 'distinguished works'. Being a member of the committee I accept that we have not been able to break the old tradition of seniors recommending their 'near and dear ones' instead of worthy contributors.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 4:25 PM 0 comments

Thursday, May 13, 2010
What is wrong with our security system and what needs to be done?

1. Lack of comprehensive national security policy: National security policy involves major decisions about the security sector which affect the external and internal security of state and society. A national security framework sets out the government's approach to security and how such security is expected to be achieved. The national security system encounters difficulty in coordinating national policy and resources with state and local governments. We need to rewrite our national security policy and design security plan accordingly.

2. Inter-agency security mechanisms are inadequate: Inter-agency competition often begins early in strategy development. Ad hoc, un-integrated strategies are distressingly common products of the national security apparatus. The national security system demonstrates a disturbingly varying capacity to provide adequate and timely resources. Achieving adequate cooperation between civil and military actors in developing and implementing security policies is a persistent challenge. The organizational arrangements are misaligned with our security threats. There is a culture of empire building; different agencies are working without proper coordination. There is a tendency of vertical growth rather than horizontal. The resources and expertise of one agency is not used by others. Therefore, there is a need for integrated security structure.

3. The performance of the national security apparatus is inconsistent: The national security system fails to achieve systematic policy ends in a consistently efficient manner––inflicting corresponding security costs. Disorganized, nonexistent, or otherwise flawed strategy development decreases the system’s ability to achieve effective unity of effort and resourcing. The change in policy and practices as and when political parties come into power has adverse effects on the functions of security agencies. The system is ever-changing with the in-and-out of party in the power steering.

4. Local political and civilian departments and agencies excluded: Municipalities and civilian departments can also play important role in the maintenance of security. However, these institutions are under resourced and culturally and administratively unprepared for national security. Part of this problem is due to the existing national security concept and definitions. We need to integrate the local municipalities and civil departments also into the national security mainstream.

5. Lack of peoples’ faith and ownership in the security apparatus: The security systems that we have developed are far from the reach of common people. These are slow, unscientific, biased, costly, traditional, insulting, incapable, and inefficient. We have not given enough attention to the consultation, consent, commitment, and participation of local community. People do not have trust and confidence on the security agencies. They do not own the system.

6. There is a state of anarchy and lawlessness: The society is facing a state of lawlessness and mayhem due to the ignorance, indiscipline, recklessness, irresponsibility, coercion, and violent stance. There seems to be ‘no law’ at all. Even if there is any, it rarely connotes anything. We do not know what is ‘wrong’ and ‘right.’ The one who is doing right is often bullied. This is partly because of the political culture of the country. Our politics have not been polished yet. Our political parties and politicians do not give priority to the interests of the people; rather they fight for their own petty ‘rewards.’ We will have to address this with proper education and disciplining.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 1:55 PM 0 comments

Works in women and children issues
Background works of Dr. Govind Thapa in the field of women and children

Women and Child Service Centre: Women and children suffer from various forms of violence and crimes in our society. His contribution to control these crimes actually started after the workshop on the investigations of crimes against women and children in 1995. The participants of the workshop criticized police for being ignorant, insensitive and inefficient to investigate violence and crimes against women and children. Since that moment, with a view that a senior police officer must get concerned, he started getting involved in the activities launched by some NGOs to fight violence and crimes against women and children. Within few months, on 16 Feb 1996, Police Women Cells[now Women and Children services Centres(WCSC)] were established in police headquarters and in four districts; Kathmandu, Lalitpur, Kaski, and Morang. These WCSCs started working with limited capacity and resources. Soon these became popular amongst poor victims. Local NGOs came in with more information of violence and crimes. The reporting coverage of violence and crimes against women and children increased. These WCSCs became more active and busy dealing with these cases. Soon these started collaborating with local NGOs. They also established their links with local communities through Community Police Centers.

UNICEF: Having felt the importance, effectiveness and potentialities of these WCSCs, Nepal police signed a MOU with UNICEF. He contributed later as the project coordinator during 1999-2000. This joint initiative helped police educate its officials on the various issues of human rights--especially women and children’s rights. At present, there are two separate desks for human trafficking and child sexual offences in the police headquarters. There are offices of WCSCs in more than fifty districts.

DFID: The British Government also offered its help by signing another MOU for the five-year long UK-DFID/Nepal police project- now coined as Nepal Police Development Project. He worked as the project manager during the years 1999-2001. This project constructed the first building for Women and Children Services Center of Lalitpur district. Later on, 12 more such buildings were built in twelve districts during 2000-2001.

ADB: Later on he also got involved with the ADB in conducting studies and developing strategies to contribute Nepal police fight human trafficking since past few years. The ADB suspended the project at that time due to security problems. It is again developing plan for establishing women and children services centers in 11 more districts of mid west and far west region of Nepal.

He has also played key roles to involve American Embassy, The Daywalka Foundation, and Planet Enfant to support training activities for police.

HUGOU: He has also been contributing in the efforts to improve the police culture in Nepal. He contributed as a senior consultant for Human Rights and Good Governance Advisory Unit (HUGOU) for a research project on international pattern between people from selected enforcement unit and cross section of the public with particular focus on disadvantaged group in 2001.

CVICT: In 2000, he also worked as a part time consultant to the Center for Victims of Torture (CVICT) for a project on strengthening prison and penal reform. The report is published and can be accessed to in http://www.esp-nepal.com. Based upon that report the improvement in jail administration project is currently in operation. The preface reads:

This study was a concrete attempt to identify the strengths and weaknesses of Nepal’s penal and prison systems and to seek ways of minimizing the weaknesses and maximizing the strengths. It covered a range of issues: from the historical background, to the hardships suffered by victims of the penal system, to possible solutions to overcome the problems to suit modern day needs. The main outcome of the study is this book, which is divided into six parts. The concluding agenda for change, if taken objectively and sincerely, should bring about a significant transformation in the penal and prison situation in Nepal. A number of people made concrete contributions to this report. The most notable were made by the consultant experts. The expertise of Dr. Anand Mohan Bhattarai, Govind Prasad Thapa, Shambu Ghimire and Vinaya Kumar Kasujoo deserve special mention.

UNOHCHR: He also was a Consultant to High Commissioner, Office of UNOHCHR to prepare Human Rights Training Manual for police in 2000.

PhD Research: He completed Doctoral (PhD) research in 2002 on human trafficking and law enforcement. A summary of the research:

The reporting of the trafficking cases was limited due to several factors. The criminal procedures take several years to complete and there are inefficiencies on part of the law enforcement agencies. The co-ordination and co-operation between the police, prosecutors, judges, physicians, forensic specialists and the jail administration, is utterly lacking.
One of the other findings of this research study has been the large number of prisoners claiming to be innocent. The total population of prisoners in the three jails of Kathmandu valley was 1886 in the year 2000-2001. The number of offenders involved in human trafficking was 259 (13.73%) out of which 44 (16.98%) of those involved in cases of trafficking, were women.
Out of the 145 prisoners interviewed, only 37 (25.51%) confessed their crimes or partial involvement while 108 (74.48%) denied the accusation. Their contentions were that they were framed up for various reasons ranging from revenge, personal enmity, local politics, police torture and pressure. Many of them blamed the police for torture and almost all agencies of law enforcement for corruption. 73 of them were put into jails for more than ten years, 21 were imprisoned for 1-10 years while 51 were remanded to jail for further investigation. Several recommendations were prescribed for the improvement in the law enforcement.

Penal Code Reform: He was one of the members of a high-level national task force headed by the Attorney General to review and reform current criminal penal code of Nepal. The task force has submitted its recommendation to the government.

Trafficking Law Draft: The national law of Nepal on human trafficking was incomplete and faulty. It required amendments. He had the opportunity to chair the team of experts to recommend amendments and draft the new bill. The civil society and the ministry of women and children later approved necessary changes and forwarded it to the ministry of law and justice. He also had the opportunity to attend a workshop of experts in Mumbai to review and recommend substantial amendments in the SAARC Convention on trafficking.

SAATHI: He also worked with SAATHI, a NGO, for study on the psychosocial impacts of violence against women and girls with special focus on rape, incest, and polygamy in 2001. The report can be accessed at http://www.saathi.org.np.

FWDL: His association with Forum for Women Development and Law (FWDL) was aimed at improving the national law against all forms of crimes against women and children. He contributed a chapter for the training manual on human trafficking designed for law enforcement officials.

Author: He has also contributed a chapter on “Rape Survivors: Psychosocial Problems and Investigation in Southern Asia,” for Medical Legal & Social Science Aspects of Child Sexual Exploitation (2 Volumes), published by GW Medical publishing, Missouri, USA, 2005.

LAAC: He is advisor of Legal Aid and Consultancy Centre—a NGO working in the field of women and children.

International Experiences

IOM Project: He has taken a round trip to Dhaka, Jessore and Rajshree of Bangladesh to deliver presentations on the issues of Combating Human Trafficking through community policing strategy in 2004 as IOM’s consultant.

INTERPOL: He has been attending some seminars and workshops organized on the theme of prevention and control of sexual offences. The most recent of them being the 21st and 22nd INTERPOL Specialist Thematic Group Seminar on Sexual Exploitation of Children in Lyon and Colombo, Sri Lanka in 2003 and 2004.

IPES Conference: He has also participated in the 11th International Police Executives Symposium Seminar on Criminal Exploitation of Women and Children in Canada in 2004. He was a moderator in one of the thematic workshops on path breaking strategies in the global fight against sex trafficking held in Washington in 2003.

SAARC Conference on Police Cooperation Matters: He has also raised the importance of establishing SAARCPOL for regional police cooperation in both, 3rd and 4th SAARC conferences on cooperation in police matters held respectively in Kathmandu, Nepal and Islamabad, Pakistan in 2003 and 2004. This mechanism will serve implement Conventions signed in SAARC Conferences.

Research Fellow: Social Inclusion Research Fund (SIRF)/SNV Nepal (Netherlands Development Organization) in 2007-9 for a research on the violence against women and access to justice in three districts—Rupandehi, Nawalparasi, and Kapilvastu. The abstract reads:

The violence against women is important to justice; women having problem to get justice is more so. The access to justice to the victims of rape and sexual assault is limited. For many, the justice system does not exist at all. There are cross cutting issues of social stigma, indictment, social exclusion, traditional and inhospitable justice systems that discourage victims from reporting the violence. Those who endeavor, they experience most indifferent and humiliating behavior of the society and criminal justice system. This study finds that the present dysfunctional criminal justice system is required to be transformed into a more human, responsive, fair, accessible, inexpensive and dynamic service system to an extent that it is replaced by a proper alternative system.

Resident Fellow: of Rockefeller Foundation Bellagio Study Centre, Italy, 2009. During the stay in Bellagio Study Centre he studied the international attempts to prevent and control family violence.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 1:14 PM 0 comments

Friday, May 07, 2010
Maoist's general strike and security concerns
The Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has launched an indefinite general strike in the country demanding new constitution and new national government among others since May 2 following a 'unique' May Day mass demonstration. As are common in mass demonstrations of such scale, the risks of attack and murder, bombing, clash among dissenting groups, and panic exist in this strike. The patience of striking party cadres, general public, opposing parties, and security forces are running down. As the days are passing by, there are symptoms that the general strike will be no more 'peaceful' in coming days. Provocative speeches and actions (from all leaders including the government?) rather than call for patience are dominating. So far the security forces have exhibited extremely good professionalism. Much depends upon the striking party leaders' capability to manage the general strike and cadres' perseverance and patience.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 8:05 AM 0 comments

Wednesday, April 28, 2010
SAARCPOL for South Asia Policing
At the time when criminals have joined hands across countries, governments still operate along hierarchical lines and are further hindered by bureaucratic rivalry and competition, interagency antipathies, and reluctance to share information and coordinate operations. Understanding network structures and operations make it easier to identify vulnerabilities against which concerted attacks should be directed. Particularly important in this connection is the identification of critical nodes. These attacks could be of two natures: external (core attacks) and internal (using crossovers to feed misinformation into the network). To counter the criminal groups, there is need for carefully orchestrated, finely calibrated, and implemented operation in a comprehensive and systematic fashion. For this, clear delineation of objectives and enhanced intelligence assessments are the prerequisites. Besides this, international collaboration is a must. The International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL) is one such body to facilitate international policing efforts.
A concept of regional policing came into the discussion during the SAARC Conference on Police Cooperation Matters held in Kathmandu. The Nepal Police proposed for a much hybrid concept of South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Police or SAARCPOL. The vision of establishing this SAARCPOL was to muster cooperation in matters of policing terrorism, serious and organized crimes in the region. This concept was proposed to commensurate the need for quick and effective actions against the criminal networks in South Asia. Similar regional policing systems have been started in Europe as European Police (EUROPOL) and South East Asia Police (ASEANOPOL). This concept was welcomed by almost all the member countries albeit some technical arrangements were suggested to be developed by the SAARC Secretariat. In the following year, this proposal was again raised by Nepali police delegate (headed by this writer) in Islamabad conference. Again, due to lack of clear operational framework this was again set aside for the next meeting. Although the Police Conferences so far have deliberated on a number of important matters relating to networking arrangements among Police Authorities in the Member States, revised Concept Paper on the establishment of SAARCPOL, prevention of organized crimes, combating corruption, drug abuse, drug trafficking and money laundering and training requirements of police officers and networking among police authorities, nothing concrete has emerged or the public is not informed of any progress made.
The growing complexity of the business of policing has warranted increased knowledge and information gathering and management, and police need a process to better derive decisions and improve efficiency. The successful investigations of multinational organized crimes depend upon the baseline groundwork of any organization responsible for preventing and controlling these types of crimes and the international collaboration. We are aware that the SAARC has signed some Conventions of importance, for example, trafficking of women and children for prostitution; mutual assistance in criminal matters; narcotics drugs; suppression of terrorism etc. However, the implementation is nowhere to be seen. The mechanism of SAARCPOL can be of great help to implement conventions. Since the prime minister is heading for SAARC Conference, this issue of regional security mechanism must be an agenda at the secretary level in the conference. Like Interpol, it can help the member countries in various aspects of policing:
Identify, establish and maintain contacts with experts in the field
Monitor and analyze information related to specific areas of activity and criminal organizations
Mdentify major criminal threats with potential global impact
Pursue strategic partnerships with various organizations and institutions
Aassist in finding solutions to problems encountered by law enforcement agencies (LEAs)
Monitor, evaluate and exploit information and reports received at the SAARCPOL, LEAs, open sources, international organizations and other institutions
Initiate, prepare and participate in programs to improve the international sharing of information Promote and carry out joint projects with other international organizations and institutions active in specific crime areas
Research, develop and publish documents for investigators
Provide support to member countries in ongoing international investigations on a case-by-case basis
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 11:54 AM 0 comments

Sunday, April 25, 2010
Violence against women and access to justice
Synopsis of the research work that I completed on the violence against women and access to justice few months before.
The violence against women is important to justice; women having problems with access to justice is more so. The culture of society is the way of life of its members. Nepali societies stand upon moral and cultural values. Any one member of a family falling victim to sexual assault is a source of stress for the whole family and community. The relationship between the victim and family members and communities turn stressful and often end up in disasters. The societies stigmatize, intimidate, coerce and exclude these victims instead of providing protection. Many victims fear to report the crime to shun such social behaviors. Even if some choose to do so for legal justice, they encounter multiple problems in the process. On the other hand, many such cases which are under investigation are either dropped or neutralized because of financial or political pressures. Therefore, quite often, rape and sexual assaults are considered victimless offences.
The access of women victims to justice is not properly safeguarded in Nepal. The formal processes of the criminal justice system have been the most vulnerable to critique from the perspective of victims. The majority of victims are of the opinion that they are largely “forgotten or abandoned” in the justice delivery process. Major obstacles continue to prevent most victims from seeking justice. The existing criminal justice system is criticized for failure to addressing a range of needs and rights of victim. This system has not been able to deliver even the minimum services to the victims; the system behaves in a negative way. The criminal justice system treats victims not as human but as “piece of evidence” only.
The rape trials are widely criticized for the insensitivity and repeated and persistent questioning of complaints about minor details and inconsistencies and the use of cross examination strategies designed to show that the victims did not react as ‘real’ victims would have reacted. The defendant lawyers always think the victims are playing one or the other ‘naatak’— drama. In such situations, the victims choose to silently suffer the trauma and pain for the whole life. They lose access to political, social, and economic opportunities. They are further pushed to the precipice of tragedy. One of the rape victims related her experience: “I feel lonely and isolated. I’ve always had so much to say, and I’ve never said it. What’s hindered me the most is being so skilled at being silent. Incest has had so much to do with being silenced and silencing myself.”
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 1:00 PM 0 comments

Friday, April 23, 2010
Controlling small arms
On 31 Jan 2010 I had a live interview with Antenna Foundation FM Radio on controlling small arms. I stressed on regulating issuance of arms to police and army personnel on the basis of psychological tests. I also stressed on the need to stop issuing new arms licences and drive campaign to confiscate all illegal small arms.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 2:03 PM 0 comments

Magar, Police and UNMIN

2010-01-23T07:08:00.000-08:00

Dear Monica Kovas,
Thanks for the email. As you are struck with the similarity of the words Magar and Magyar so are many of us here in Nepal. This curiosity further led people here to establish Nepal-Hungary Friendship Association on 30 April 996 in Kathmandu. The Chairman of this Association is Mr. Tek Bahadur Thapa, former Secretary of Ministry of Home.
The objectives of the Association were to promote cultural, literary, sports, arts as well as youth programs to create congenial atmosphere among the peoples of both countries, conduct seminar, colloquium and lecture program to have better understanding of both countries, and to promote study to trace out the affinity between Magar ethnic group of Nepal and Magyar tribe of Hungary. This Association has published five volumes of Nepal-Hungary Friendship Association Bulletin so far.
Similarly it is known that a Hungary-Nepal Friendship Society was also established in Hungary on 2 July 1996. Mr. Elek Woynarovich and Mr. K. J. Baral (retired Inspector General of Police, Nepal) were both elected as honorable presidents. The Chairman, General Secretary was Mr. Ferenc Lovass and Sarolta Boda respectively. The address of this Society was BL Studio, 1054 Budapest, Garibaldi u. 7. 1/5a. Hungary. Tel 36-1-131-68-39, Fax 36-1-141-03-05. I understand that Mr. Ferenc Lovass along with his team was here in Kathmandu on film shooting mission with an objective of studying the possibility of close proximity in between Magar and Magyar.
I know not much about their findings but there are still some activities going on towards achieving the objectives set forward by the Association in Nepal. I look forward to strengthen both these institutions of Hungry and Nepal to more arduous research like activities to unearth any relationship in between these communities. The fields for research could be language, art, religion and culture.
Please let me know about any findings from your part. Thanks for visiting our web site and the interest shown in such anthropological matters.
Dr. Govind Prasad Thapa
Chairman
……………………………….
Dear Sir/Madam,
I was reading about Magars on your website and I understand that they
are Mongolian in origin. I am Hungarian (we call ourselves Magyar) and - as you are probably aware my people originally come from East of the Urals.I can't help noticing how similar the two names are and geographically thousands of years ago the two nations would not have been that far from each other. Do you think there is a relation?
Hope you can help my curiosity; I look forward to hearing from you.
Yours sincerely,
Monika Kovacs, 18 Oct 2005

A talk with UNMIN
I had a meeting with Mr. Hughes Gordon--the Advisor to UNMIN on 15 Jan 2010. The meeting revolved around the integration of Maoist ex-combatants into the security forces. My views in this case were:
Only ex-combatatnts should be integrated, not combatants with arms;
Ex-combatants should not be integrated in bulk--not in the strength of platoon or company;
The Maoist should disown the ex-combatants once they are integrated;
The security forces should not make any discrimination to these ex-combatants;
Unions inside the security forces should not be allowed.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 1:49 PM 0 comments

Police Reforms
On 13 jan 2010, I presented my views in a seminar organized by Nepal Security Sector Network (NSSN) in Kathmandu. In this presentation i briefly talked about the current police challenges: Post-conflict situation;
Organized crime;
Impunity;
Losing community trust; and
Policing in federal set up.

The second part of the presentatio was on the actions required: Defining national interests and developing national security policy;
Developing new police structures;
Depoliticization of police;
Demilitarization of police;
Decentralization and Democratization of police.

The third part of the lecture was on the Special Security Program. My views were that this program was brought in haste without much planning and preparations. This program had actually no 'special' package at all.

The possible entry points for the police reforms could be:
Police structure in federal state;
Police strategic plan;
Police administration and management;
Police training.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 1:36 PM 0 comments

History of Magar

2010-01-23T06:40:00.000-08:00

Date: Tue, 30 Nov 2004 07:22:08 -0800 (PST)
From: "MSC" View Contact Details

Subject: Re: Himalayan Mountaineeing Institute
To: Pakrav@aol.com

Dear Stanley,
Thanks. This is becoming very interesting. I shal try to find out more about the telescope. But i dont see any relationship with the Bhirkot. When i find some time i shall explore more about your field of interest. With best regards.
Dr. GPThapa

Pakrav@aol.com wrote:
28 November 2004

Dear Dr. Thapa

The information that your friend provided on the telescope is most interesting, however, I am more interested in obtaining the number on the telescope. The number gives much more detail to the telescope. I am sorry that the telesope lens was broken. There are replacement lens for the telescope that I might be able to help in acqiring for it.

As to my last email regarding Mrs. Bhinda Swari Malla Shah, I have ascertained that she is from the Bhaktapur Mallas. I suppose I was not clear regarding the information on her family. It is her mother Mrs. Jagat Malla of whom I do not have information on. I understand that she lived in Nepal and when Mr. Padma Malla returned from America she left Nepal and went to Calcutta to be with him and that is where their chidren were born. I do not know if Mrs. Jagat Malla had been a Rana, a Singh, a Shah, or whom prior to her marriage to Mr. Padma Malla.

I understand that you are very busy. I do not wish to take up your time with my questions.

I have received a second email from you regarding Mr. Anil Keshary Shah, the grandson of Mr. Tarak Bahadur Shah. You had sent me an email and an introduction to Mr. Shah to me some time ago as well. I wrote to him with no success at all. The same is true for Mrs. Samantha Shah who is the wife of Mr Ujjal Shah, brother to Mr. Anil Shah. Mrs. Bhinda Shah turned my questions over to Mrs. Samantha Shah who wanted to know my "base" address and not much else. I am afraid that this family is rather private, even though they are from a public family, including Mrs. Bhinda Shah. Therefore, I will not bother with seeking any more information regarding them for my research. I shall seek research on families that may actually have information on Bhirkot and who actually want to know the history of their family, or give it up soon. I really can't get involved with families who do not wish to be known

Again, I thank you for your time and effort on my behalf.

Sincerely,

Mr. J.F.Stanley
Date: Fri, 26 Nov 2004 22:48:33 -0800 (PST)
From: "MSC" View Contact Details

Subject: Re: Greetings from Magar Studies Center
To: Pakrav@aol.com
CC: "Anil Shah"

Dear Stanley,
I take thhis opportunity to introduce Mr. Anil Shah, General Manager of Nabil Bank, Kathmandu. Mr Shah is the grandson of Raja Tarak Bahadur Shah and son of Narayan Keshari Shah and Mrs Binda Shah (First lady Ambassador to Bangladesh and India). I received this information by courtesy of Manoj Shah. I am sure that Mr. Shah will be able to help you sort out many puzzles. I have also posted this mail to Mr. Anil Shah.
Email: anilrati@wlink.com.np

With reagards.
Dr. GPThapa

Pakrav@aol.com wrote:
6 August 2004

Dear Dr.Thapa:

I have not heard from Mr. Manoj Shah other than his email stating that King Tarak Bahadur Shah was his family member. He told me that he was going to collect some data for me and alas, that was the last that I heard I have heard from other sources that the wife of Dr.Narayan Keshary Shah is Blinda Swari Malla, daughter of Padma Sundar Malla who left for Japan in 1916 stayed 2 years and then left for America and the University of Michigan. he returned to Nepal and he had lost his caste because he had not gotten permission to cross the oceans. He built the The Morang Hydroelectric Company, with its 1,600 KW Sikharbas plant on the Chisang Khola, was established in 1939 to power Nepal's first large industry, the Biratnagar Jute Mill. The major shareholders of this company were, of course, the ruling Ranas and their favourite officials. (Juddha Rana). this was the site of the workers strike called for Nehru of India, King Tribuhvan, Prince Mahendra and Subaran Rana with the newly established Nepali Congress.

I heard that Mrs Blinda Malla Shah had two sons one of which married Subarna Rana's granddaughter, Rati. the other one married Samantha Rajya Laxmi Rana daughter of Late Tribhuvan Pratap Rana(son of Yog Bikram Rana) and Sachu Shah. and had a son this year by the name of Aditya Keshary Shah son b. February 2004. I have not been able to locate Tribhuvan Pratap Rana, or Yog Bikram Rana or Sachu Shah. I am still researching and when I have it together, I wll be happy to share all the information with your center.
Sincerely
Mr. J.F.Stanley
Fri, 26 Nov 2004 22:46:30 -0800 (PST)
From: "MSC" View Contact Details

Subject: Re: Himalayan Mountaineeing Institute
To: Pakrav@aol.com

Dear Stanley,
I requested one of my friends to go and gather information about the telescope. According to him—the telescope is made in Germany, 7-8 feet long, 5-8 feet high, 50-60 kilogram heavy, it can cover the range of 2000 kilometer. It was given by Adolf Hitler to Judha Shumsher Jang Bahadur Rana. His son Shumsher Jang Bahadur Rana handed over it to the Himalayan Mountaineering Institute in 1961 AD. These days the telescope is not in use because some students accidentally broke the glass of the instrument during experiment session.
I hope it partially serves your purpose. I you want more information I can reach my friend again on telephone.

Last time this is what you wrote to me about Bindha Shah "Mrs. Bhinda Swari Malla Shah has informed me of her immediate family that being of her father, :Padma Sundar Malla who married Jagat. I do not know what branch of the Shah, or Rana or Malla family she is from. Mrs. Bhinda Shah's brothers are ï»¿Chitra Prakash Malla, ï»¿Tej Prakash Malla, and ï»¿Chatra Prakash Malla.They are Newars descending from the Kings of Bhaktapur."

Yes, she belongs to Malla Newars of Bhaktapur.

I do not have any family relationship with the Nain Singh Thapa. I belong to Magar--an ethnic Nationalities of Nepal.

These days I am too busy. May be after some time I find time to look out information for your research. Will be in touch soon.

Dr. GPThapa

Pakrav@aol.com wrote:

24 November 2004

Dear Dr. ï»¿G P Thapa:

I do not know if anyone from the Magar Studies Center is able to go, or does go, to Darjeerling, India and to the Himalyan Mountaineering Institute located there. If there is someone who does go to Darjeerling, or if you know of someone who lives in Darjeerling, would you please do me a favor and ask them if they would be so kind as to go to the Himalayan Mountaineering Institute and look at the Large Telescope outside the HMI Center and get the number of the Telescope off of it, as well as any other writing on it and post it to me? The Number of the Telescope is most important to me and plays a part in the history of Nepal. I just have to have the number of the Telescope in order to authenticate it. Do you think that it might be possible to get this number for me in a rather short time frame?

I would be so grateful for this information.

I am still attempting to follow up some leads on the Bhirkot lineage of Shahs and will not give up on it. As soon as I receive any information, I shall post you on it. You have been most kind and most helpful to me in my research. Dr. Thapa, are you related to ï»¿General Nain Singh Thapa and his daughter, ï»¿Ganesh Kumari Devi, who was the second wife of ï»¿Narasingh Kunwar Rana.?

Sincerely

Mr. J.F.Stanley
Mon, 8 Nov 2004 07:25:21 -0800 (PST)
From: "MSC" View Contact Details

Subject: Re: Rajas of Bhirkot
To: Pakrav@aol.com

Dear Stanley,
Thanks for the update. I am extremely happy to find you more and more getting into the history of Magar kings. Be prepared to take pains--because it is not going to be an easy task. All the best. With best regards.
Dr. GP Thapa

Pakrav@aol.com wrote:
5 November 2004

Dear Dr. ï»¿G P Thapa:

I have not forgotten you, kind Sir. I have not had much cooperation on my research and it is taking me a bit of time to gather it together.

However, through friends in London, I have discovered that Raja Tarak Bahadur Shah's, father is ï»¿Raja Tamra Dhowj Khand. Raja Tarak's grandfather is ï»¿Raja Lalit Bahadur Khand b 18xx, descendant of Raja Khancha Khan and that is where I am yet again stuck.

According to the ï»¿history of the Aalam Devi, the genealogies go like this:

ï»¿Bhattar Rhishi Raj Ranaji in Chittaurgadh, Indian
ï»¿Bhupati Ranaji Rao was the 33rd lineage after Bhattar
ï»¿Raja Manamath Ranjee Manorat Rai [Manamath Ranaji Rao]
ï»¿Raja Bhupal Ranjee he left Ujjain and went to Ridi in 1494. He stayed in Ridi
for some time and the he moved to Bhirkot. Raja of Bhirkot
ï»¿Khancha Khan (Harihar Singh) won Dhora. (Baglung) Bhirkot,
Satahun, Gahraun (Syangja). Khancha Khan, a Thakuri king of the Chin
Rangan clan. was taking the Aalam Devi ( Kumari Devi, a Goddess, who
had to be carried at all times and never laid on the ground. A soldier laid
down the Kumari Devi and she vanished. A virgin boy was left at the
temple and a virgin boy must always be there at the temple in case she
reappears.) with him during the time of extending his Kingdom. One
night he took rest there where the temple lies today but the Devi
concealed deep down into the earth. Conceal corresponds to â€˜alapâ€™ in
local tongue and the revised version of â€˜alapâ€™ might be Aalam, it is said.
Later Khancha Khan maintained Aalam Devi as the Kul Devta of the
Royal family and Thakuris of Nepal till today.

ï»¿ Jaina Khand
ï»¿Raja Lalit Bahadur Khand
ï»¿Raja Tamra Dhowj Khand
ï»¿Raja Tarak Bahadur Shah
Rishikesh Shaha
Narayan Keshary Shah
Anil Keshary Shah
Ujjal Keshary Shah

I have read ï»¿Extract from 'The Gurkhas' of Eden Vansittart (based upon the 'Notes on Nepal', 1895 AD and 'Notes on Gurkhas' 1890 AD), Anmol Publications, New Delhi, Re-print 1993 (The spellings are original and not altered) , where Dr. Hamilton states, "ï»¿The family of Gurkha, which now (1802) governs Nepal, although it pretends to come from Chitor, is in reality of the Magar tribe" and where he stated that the original home of the Magars was around Bhirkot, Gulmi, ï»¿Argha, Khachi, and Palpa. I have also read that King Prithvi Narayan Shah went to ï»¿Benaras and ï»¿changed his Gotra from `Bharadwaj' into `Kasyap'. Bharadwaj does not seem to have any Sutras listed with it, however, Kasyap does and I don't know if this was his intention to do, that of obtaining a link to the Rishis who wrote Sutras.

Raja Tarak Bahadur Shah married Madaan ï»¿Dibyeshwari Rajya Lakshmi b. at Dhankota, October 1901 daughter of Bir SJB Rana, eldest son of Dhir SJB Rana, 9th son of Bala Narsingh Rana. Their daughter, Kamal, the sister to Rishikesh Shah, married Min SJB Rana, the ï»¿17th son of Juddha SJB Rana and they had Anup who died in 1999 from a series of 3 devastating strokes in one day.

Mrs. Bhinda Swari Malla Shah has informed me of her immediate family that being of her father, :Padma Sundar Malla who married Jagat. I do not know what branch of the Shah, or Rana or Malla family she is from. Mrs. Bhinda Shah's brothers are ï»¿Chitra Prakash Malla, ï»¿Tej Prakash Malla, and ï»¿Chatra Prakash Malla.They are Newars descending from the Kings of Bhaktapur.

I am currently working on that list and will post you as soon as possible.

Sincerely
Mr. J.F.Stanley

Tue, 6 Jul 2004 02:24:11 -0700 (PDT)
From: "MSC" View Contact Details

Subject: Re: Former King of Bhirkot, Tarak Bahadur Shah
To: Pakrav@aol.com

Dear Stabley,
Thanks for your mail. Please write to Mr. Manoj Shah Email: manojshah70@hotmail.com concerning your research work. He is the right man for this. I shall be happy if we could do anything besides that. Thanks.
MSC

Pakrav@aol.com wrote:
June 30 2004

Dear Magar Studies Center:
I have read your article on the magars most intently. I understand that the Kingdom of Bhirkot was small and a tributary to the Raja of Jumla. I am attempting to research the history of King Tarak Bahadur Shah and his family. I understand that Rishikesh Shaha the former Finance Minister of Nepal, the former Foreign Minister of Nepal, the first permanent Royal Nepal Ambassador to the United Nations and Ambassador to the United States, the former drafter of the 1962 Nepal Constitituion was his son. I have learned that Dr. Narayan Keshary Shah is also King Tarak's son and that Rishikesh Shaha had a son by the name of Prakrash who lives in New Jersey USA. Dr. Narayan Shah has two sons, one Anil Keshary Shah married Rati Rana, daughter of Rakmar Rana and the other son, Ujjal Shah is living in the USA. I do not have any information on the wfe of either Dr. Narayan Shah or Rishikesh Shaha or of King Tarak Shah. If you have any infromation on the lineage of King Tarak and information on his family I would be deeply appreciative.

What now concerns me is that Dr. F. Hamilton in his 1819 book states that the people of Bhirkot were magars. does this mean that King Tarak is a Magar of India and not a Rajput Prince of India? Is Prithvi Narayan Shah's family of Gorhka really Magars and not Rajput from Chittor?
will you help to clear this up as best as you can for me? I thank you very much.

Sincerely,
Mr. J. F. Stanley

Tues 16 Nov, 2004, 04:41:35-0800(pst)

From: "MSC" View Contact Details

Subject: Re: Subhakamana
To: "Thapa Bhim Bahadur"

Dear Thapaji,
Many thanks for the greetings. I also wish you all the best. We remember the good days that we spent in HK while we were on a short stopover. Many thanks to you all for the hospitality and love.
Dr. GPThapa
Thapa Bhim Bahadur wrote:
Wishing you bloom and prosperous on the occasion of the "HAPPY DIPAWALI 2061/2004/"
Bhim Thapa Magar
Ex-General Secretary
Magar Association Hong Kong

Sat, 31 July 2004, 22:31:03-0700(pdt)

From: "MSC" View Contact Details

Subject: Re: Query
To: "Magarson Thapa IBSKC"

Dear Thapa,
Thanks for writing us. We are located at Satdobato, Lalitpur--just nearby Magar Samaj Sewa Kendra office of Lalitpur Municipality. Please specify as to the kind of studies you are in and the nature of help that you would seek from us. We shall be happy to help you in this noble cause.
msc

Magarson Thapa IBSKC wrote:
Hello there

This is Raja Magar Thapa from Chakrapath. I am an accountant by trade. Plus,
I am an avaid reader of Magar history and all that. Was just wondering if
you would be able to help me out in certain research activities.

I have met a stonewall of paucity of documents regarding my quest in
learning more about Magar history. However, I am quite hopeful that you guy
would be a tremendous help to me.

Tell me! where you guys are located. I will contact you. Alternatively, I
would be very happy to hear from you.

Best wishes.
Raja Magar Thapa
E mail: magarsonthapa@hotmail.com
Tel: 4720222
Chakrapath
Kathmandu

Fri, 9 Jul 2004 19:41:02 -0700 (PDT)
From: "MSC" View Contact Details

Subject: Construction of office buildings for Magar institutions
To: "Magar sangh Kathmandu"

Dear PJji,
Many thanks for sharing the information. To have a separate building of your own is good idea. I know Magar Sangh Central Committee is also trying to build one for them. Magar Samaj Sewa Kendra of Lalitpur is also trying for that. MSC would try for that in future. Lalitpur district committee may also do the same thing. That means there will be many buildings of Magars. Wow great!!! But how many such buildings do we actually need for Magar institutions inside Kathmandu valley? Is not one enough? Can not we be accomodated in the same building with common facilities of seminar halls, parking lot, security, offices etc? I am in favour of this type of management. I think this would be the best way of managing our resources which are constantly reducing. Building a house may be easy for some but maintenance of such facilities become problems. Then they become a sort of liability rather than facilities. Lets all think seriously about it. I am sending this message to many other Magar bandhus for your valuable suggestions. Thanks.
With best wishes.
Dr. GPThapa

Magar sangh Kathmandu wrote:
Dear All

I'm out of KTM since 30th of June to 19th July in some
sensitive western districts of Nepal. While leaving
KTM our friend were massively involved on home visit
program with mission of building Community home of
Magar Sangh Kathmandu district. For this year our plan
is to purchassase land within Mangshir.
My visit districts are Mugu (Rara lake), Bardiya,
Jumla, Surkhet and Banke (Nepalgunj). I have completed
visit to Mugu and Bardiya but Jumla has not been able
to visit due to weather / flight. Rara Lake I found
one of very nice place to visit. May be I will share
videos some time. See you
Padam J Thapa Magar

History of Gurkhas

2010-01-23T06:12:00.000-08:00

Gurkhas: (Skt. goraksa, “cowherd”), Tibeto-Mongolian Hindus of Nepal. The Gurkhas first came to Nepal in the 12th century, when they were driven out of northern India by the Muslims. The Gurkhas claim descent from the warlike Rajputs of northern India in the present state of Rajasthan, and they speak a Rajasthani Sanskrit dialect. In physique they are short and stocky. An attempt to extend their power southward resulted in the Gurkha War (1814–16) against Great Britain, in which they were defeated. Since that time, many of the Gurkhas, who were known for their excellent fighting, were recruited by the British military service in India and in the British colonies, serving in separate Gurkha regiments. Many of the so-called Gurkha soldiers, however, have been Nepalese of other tribes. The Gurkha troops used to carry short, broad-bladed swords called kukri, which they used in close combat instead of bayonets.
(An article from Funk & Wagnalls® New Encyclopedia. © 2006 World Almanac Education Group. A WRC Media Company. All rights reserved. Except as otherwise permitted by written agreement, uses of the work inconsistent with U.S. and applicable foreign copyright and related laws are prohibited. http://www.history.com/encyclopedia.do?articleId=211153)

They first became known to the Western World when British commanders clashed with them in the hills of Nepal in 1816. After the war ended, the victorious British actively recruited their former foe for their own forces, and a military legend was born. They have been called "the ideal infantrymen" by those fortunate enough to command them. Brave, tough, patient and fiercely loyal, Gurkhas served in both World Wars, in conditions from the blistering deserts to the steamy jungles of Asia. THE GURKHAS tells the remarkable story of these storied soldiers, from their 19th century battles against the English to their astonishing success fighting for the British Empire in history's greatest conflicts. (http://shop.history.com/detail.php?a=75071)

In 1814 a war broke out between the British and the Nepalese principality of Gorkha, which in early 1815, led to the defeat of the tough and warlike tribe. Out of mutual respect, a friendly convention was signed in 1815 allowing the British to recruit troops Gorkha. In April 1815 the Corps of Gurkhas, (a British mispronunciation) consisting of three battalions was formed up and added to the British Army's 'irregular' strength. Since then the sturdy Gurkha mountain men of Nepal, every one a volunteer, have served throughout the Empire and in two World Wars. In each World War over 120,000 young men heeded the call to arms and served across the world, a tradition that their sons, grandsons and descendants still follow to this day.

In 1914 at the outbreak of War the Gurkhas now consisting of ten regiments, each with two or more battalions of 1000 men were deployed across India, Pakistan and on the North West Frontier. By early 1915 with the war intensifying troops were urgently needed in Flanders, Gallipoli and Africa. There began a massive movement of troops, from all the nations of the British Empire and of course the re-deployment of the various regiments of Gurkhas into the most active theatres of war.

In France in 1915 Gurkhas were the first soldiers to break the German line at Neuve Chapelle and would prove particularly adept the very dangerous occupation of night patrolling to dominate 'no man's land' between the lines. Their reputation went before them and armed with their dreaded fighting knives, called Kukri's, which were particularly suited to trench warfare, they became feared warriors with almost mystical powers.

Gurkhas were deployed extensively in Gallipoli and the 1/6th were the only regiment to secure the commanding heights of Sari Bair above the landing beaches with the Turkish trenches taken with a final 'kukri' charge. The 2nd Regiment sent one Battalion to Mesopotamia, who after the Russian Revolution went as far North as the Caspian Sea to protect Persia. The 3rd mainly fought in France and at one time had a Battalion detached to serve with Lawrence of Arabia as mounted infantry on Camels. The 4th fought in the Dardanelles with the 5th who with an officer and 25 men were the last to evacuate the Gallipoli Peninsula. The 6th Held the Suez Canal, saw action at Gallipoli, and went on to Mesopotamia and Greece via the Black Sea. The 7th Remained in India as a Garrison and Training regiment and saw action at Kut and Baghdad, whilst the 8th served in Palestine and France. The 9th and 10th also saw action in France, Suez and Gallipoli.

In 1948 the regiment in recognition of their outstanding service, were taken on the regular strength of the British Army and have continued to serve across the world seeing service in The Falklands, The Middle East, Borneo and recently spearheaded the NATO force into Kosovo in the Balkans. (http://www.ballantynes-walkerburn.com/acatalog/Gurkha_Soldier_from_Nepal__World_War_1__Bronze__BWM.html)

History of the Brigade of Gurkhas

The Nusseree Battalion (later the 1st KGVO Gurkha Rifles) circa 1857
THE BEGINNING - GURKHAS, NEPAL AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
Robert Clive's decisive victory at the Battle of Plassey in 1757 firmly established British supremacy in India thereby opening the door for expansion of the Honourable East India Company. Some 10 years after Plassey the British started to come into contact with a unique and vigorous power on the northern borders of its newly won territories in Bengal and Bihar.
This power was the city-state of Gorkha led by its dynamic King Prithwi Narayan Shah. Gorkha was a feudal hill village in what is now western Nepal, the village from which the Gurkha takes his name. Prithwi Narayan Shah and his successors grew so powerful that they overan the whole of the hill country from the Kashmir border in the west to Bhutan in the east. Eventually, as a result of boundary disputes and repeated raids by Gurkha columns into British territory, the Governor General declared war on Nepal in 1814.
After two long and bloody campaigns a Peace Treaty was signed at Sugauli in 1816.

A Gurkha commander during the Nepal Wars
During the war a deep feeling of mutual respect and admiration had developed between the British and their adversaries, the British being much impressed by the fighting and other qualities of the Gurkha soldier. Under the terms of the Peace Treaty large numbers of Gurkhas were permitted to volunteer for service in the East India Company's Army. From these volunteers were formed the first regiments of the Gurkha Brigade, and from this time stems Britain's friendship with Nepal, a country which has proved a staunch ally ever since and has become our 'oldest ally' in Asia.
Never has the trust that was then placed in the Gurkha soldier ever been in doubt. Alongside his British comrade in arms he has fought in many parts of the world and has proved himself to be of the closest of friends and bravest of allies that Britain has known.

Men of the Sirmoor Battalion (later the 2nd KEO VII Goorkhas) pictured outside Hindu Rao's house in 1857
'Keeping the Peace' in India under the British flag began for Gurkha soldiers with the Pindaree War in 1817, and the first battle honour gained by Gurkha troops was at Bhurtpore in 1826. The two senior regiments distinguished themselves in the hard fought battles of the 1st Sikh War in 1846, and six regiments of the Nepalese Army were offered to the East India Company for service in the 2nd Sikh War of 1848.
In the Indian Mutiny of 1857-1858 the 2nd Goorkhas showed striking proof of their loyalty at Delhi where, together with the 60th Rifles (now part of The Rifles), they held Hindu Rao's house, the key to the British position which was under continuous fire from the mutineers, for over three months. During this period the 2nd Goorkhas suffered 327 casualties (including 8 of their 9 British Officers) out of a total strength of 490. Also during the mutiny, 12 Nepalese Army Regiments, a force of 8,000 men under the personal leadership of the Prime Minister of Nepal, took part in the final relief of Lucknow.
AFTER THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
Throughout the next 50 years there was much active service in Burma, Afghanistan, the North-East and the North-West Frontiers of India, Malta, Cyprus, Malaya, China (the Boxer Rebellion of 1900) and Tibet (Young husband's Expedition of 1904).

Gun team, 42nd Gurkha Light Infantry (later 6th Gurkha Rifles), pictured with guns known as 'Bubble and Squeak' in 1890. (http://www.army.mod.uk/gurkhas/7557.aspx)

Revisiting history

2010-01-23T05:57:00.000-08:00

Revisiting history
Jul 22,2008 00:00 by Dr. Sonam B Wangyal
PAPER READ ON 12 JULY 2008 IN THE SEMINAR ORGANIZED BY
GORKHA JANAMUKTI SECONDARY TEACHERS ASSOCIATION, KURSEONG CHAPTER, AT GORKHA LIBRARY
Dr. Sonam B Wangyal

Namastay, Nomoshkar, Khamri, Kuzo-zangbo, Tashi Deleg and Good Morning Ladies and Gentlemen,

I would like to express my hearty congratulations to the members of the Gorkha Janamukti Secondary Teachers' Association for holding this seminar and inviting me to say a few words.

I will be reading this paper in English, not because I cannot read, write or speak in Nepali but because I can do it better in English. Ho, Nepalima yo paper parayko bha ajja mitho ra suwaudo hunay thiyo. Ma chhama chanhanchhu. Tara yuddama jasari jun hatiyar chalaunu subista hunchha tyahi chlainchha yaha malai Angrezi mero subhistako hatiyaar ho jasto laagchha. When I was a schoolboy about 40 years ago my school Dr. Graham's Homes, Kalimpong, did not have a Nepali Master. It was in my Senior Cambridge year that Mr Loben Lama was appointed to that post. So with just one solitary single year of Nepali classes I sat for the Senior Cambridge in 1968. My answer script was a total disaster, khatam bhanda pani khatam thiyo, but when the results came: I had passed with the skin of my tooth: junday ra pass bhayechha, actually examinerko daya amayalay malai pass garai diyekoho jasto laagchha. So that is my Nepali education, and now at this age I am learning the finer nuances of the language, the basics of grammar and I hope in a year or two things will change. My paper relates to the history of Darjeeling but it will not touch on the tea and cinchona industries, it will avoid development of education, local self government and I will not even touch upon the thirteen or fourteen times we have petitioned for a homeland of their own. But before I commence I would just like to state that 1907 petition for a separate homeland is the oldest, the senior-most of its kind in India. Ek saya barsa katyo, tyo demandko chhora-chhori, naati, panatiharulay pani statehood paisakyo tara hami aaja pani banchit chou. Anyway this paper will keep track of the early history of Darjeeling, its incorporation into the East India Company or the British Empire and the paper will end at when Darjeeling is joined to Bengal.

(1) THE THREE COMMUNITIES: BHUTIAS, GORKHAS & LEPCHAS

The history of Darjeeling has intimate relationship, nang ra masukojasto, to the history of Sikkim, Nepal, Bhutan, and the East India Company and thereby to Britain. It will be appropriate to start from Kharsang for it was here that Maharajah Thodup Namgyal and Maharani Yeshay Dolma were imprisoned. jailed, locked up by the British and it was here that they wrote a historical book on Sikkim. It was translated into English by Kazi Daosamdup and he called it History of Sikkim. I have a copy of this rare document and therefore I will be extensively, freely and purposely quoting from it. In the manuscript the boundaries of Sikkim is defined as follows: "They were Dibdala in the North, Shingsa Dag-pay, Walung, Yangmak, Khangchen, Yarlung and Timar Chorten in the West, down along Arun and Dud Kosi Rivers, down to Maha Nodi, Nuxalbari, Titalia in the South. On the East Tagong La, and Tang La on the North." These boundaries were defined after the enthronement, coronation, the appointment of the first Chogyal of Sikkim, Phuntshog Namgyal, 1642 CE. The first things the new ruler did was to construct forts called dzongs which operated as the military and administrative units. To these dzongs he appointed dzongpens, or fort masters, the local administrators or chiefs and they were all Lepchas, thus the Lepchas were appeased, made happy, made content. But that left out the Limbus and the Magars. The Magars staunchly resisted Bhutia incursion and political domination, and they actually went to war against the new rulers. The fact that the Magars were pretty well organized can be assessed from the forts they built which the ruling community in Sikkim called them Magar-dzongs. Eventually, the Magars lost and a large part of them got pushed westwards. As far as the Limbus were concerned the Chogyal made a pact called Lho-mon-tsong-sum (lho-Bhutias, mon-Lepchas, tsong-Limbus, and sum-three), thus giving us the Bhutia-Lepcha-Limbu trinity.

Now what importance this patch of history has for us vis-à-vis the present political scenario! (1) The boundaries demarcated clearly shows that Darjeeling, Kharsang, Kalimpong and Siliguri were all in Sikkim and that the kingdom stretched all the way to Purnea in the south. (2) The Gorkha population was in sufficient numbers to wage a war against Sikkim, as in the case of Magars, and large enough for the Chogyal to seek allegiance (Lho-mon-tsong-sum), as in the case of the Limbus. And (3) This is the most significant of the points mentioned so far: that the Maharajah's History of Sikkim makes it absolutely certain that the Gorkhas were in the region even before the creation of Sikkim yaneki Sikkimko shristi, janma, sthapana bhanda dherai aghi dekhi nai hamro paharma Gorkhaharu thiyay.

(2) SIKKIM LOSES KALIMPONG

Tensung Namgyal became the next Chogyal. (1670) Most historians, looking for wars, coups, assassinations, and political intrigues insult and degrade his reign claiming nothing important or interesting happened. Actually something very important had happened. He married three times. History of Sikkim states that his first wife, Nambi Ongmu, was from Bhutan, and she gave birth to a daughter, Pande Ongmu. The second was from Tibet and she gave birth to a son, Chagdor Namgyal. The third Rani was the daughter of a Limbu chief named Yong-Yong Hang. The royal History also says that along with the daughter of Yong-Yong Hang seven other Limbu ladies got married to "highest kazis and ministers of Sikkim." When Tensung Namgyal died the daughter of the Bhutanese Rani staked her claim to the Sikkim gaddhi, after all, the male contender, Chagdor Namgyal, was a minor and she was an adult besides she was also the child of the first queen. The princess sought the help of the Bhutanese who willingly obliged. Pande Ongmuko gaddhiko loblay garda Bhutanlay auta sunowlo mouka paayay. Ani Dukpaharu Sikkim pasay. Balak raja ra mantriharu jyan bachuna Bhot tira suikucha thokay. In 1707 the Bhutanese withdrew but retained all Sikkimese territories to the east of the Tista River whereby our present day Kalimpong became a part of Bhutan.

Now let us go back to this portion of the history. (1) Tensung Namgyal by marrying daughters of important people indirectly purchased peace for Sikkim, after all uttarpatti haray ta Bhotko juwai sahib, paschim tira haray ta Limbu haruko juwai, ani Purba haray ta Bhutan ko juwai. Sikkimlai kaslay chai akraman garnay. So, kinachai Sikkimma shanty na hunu ra. Taraipani it is ironic that historians still ignore and even refuse to give him credit for winning …. peace. (2) It is said the too many cooks spoil the broth and Maharaha Tensung had two wives too many and Sikkim paid for it dearly. (3) It is most probable that Limbus were not too happy with the prevailing sutuation, despite the lho-mon-tsong-sum pact. Therefore besides making a Limbuni a Rani of Sikkim seven other ladies were also taken as wives by highest kazis and ministers of Sikkim. And finally, (4) Most people think that Kalimpong originally belonged to Bhutan but we now know that it was originally a part of Sikkim. Chotkarima, Kalaybung Sikkim bata Bhutanlay gavayko ani Bhutan bata Angrejlay pach pareko ho.

(3) ANGLO-NEPAL WAR

Now we move on to the 6th Chogyal, Tenzing Namgyal who ascended the Sikkimese throne in 1780. His reign was punctuated, interrupted and disturbed with skirmishes and battles with the Gorkhas. Then there was a period of lull and quiet and the Gorkhas used this period of calm and peace to launch a surprise attack. Sikkimese were completely taken aback by the sudden shock raids. Purna Ale led a group of Gorkhas who came through Ilam and penetrated as far as Reling, Karmi, and Chakung (1788). Another Gorkha force under the command of Johar Singh stealthily advanced through the Singalila and in a complete surprise swoop took over the palace at Rabdentse: Yaspali pani Raja, praja ani mantriharulay taap kasay, tara Bhot tira hoina, kholsa, orar, gufa, khola-nadiko bagar ani junglema sharan lina pugay. History of Sikkim mentions, "Thus the Gurkhas remained masters of Sikkim, beyond the Teesta, while the Raja took flight and all Sikkimites were compelled to take refuge in the valleys of the rivers, hills and caves, suffering privations and hardship." In 1790 Chogyal left his hiding and went to Tibet where he died three years later, and a boy of 12 years, Tsugphud Namgyal, was proclaimed the new Maharaja. It was during Tsugphud's kingship that the Anglo-Nepal war broke out. The British eventually challenged the Gorkhas through a five pronged attack and Sikkim sided with the British.

We must pause here to reflect on a few points. (1) Prithwinarayan Shah never wanted to attack Sikkim for the fear it might open up a fresh frontier of war with Tibet. However, the 1788 Gorkha move to penetrate deep into Sikkim signifies that the Gorkhas had grown confident enough to handle Sikkim and withstand a Tibetan attack. (2) The Gorkhas did not bother the Sikkimese hiding in the ravines, jungles and caves as long as the strategic posts like Rabdentse, Dorje-ling and Na-gri were secure. (3) Alliance with the British was the only hope for the Sikkim ruler to regain his lost territories and so he sided with the British. At the same time the British accepted Sikkim's gesture because (a) in the five-pronged British attack the eastern front was the weakest and Sikkim's assistance would offset that disadvantage to some extent. (b) With Sikkim as an ally any future alliance/intrigues between Nepal and Bhutan could be checked. And (c) It promised a possibility of trade with Tibet through Sikkim. After all East India Company was a trading company, the biggest ever in history.

(4) DISCOVERY OF DARJEELING

After the war the British restored to the Sikkim Maharaja the lands between Mechi and Tista Rivers through the treaty of Titalya. This treaty has nine functional Articles and the tenth one is just a protocol fulfillment. The first and the last operative or functional articles talk about restoring to Sikkim in full sovereignty and of the Company's guarantee to the Raja and his successors the full and peaceable possession of the tract. Each and every other Article in between took away from Sikkim, piece by piece, the basic entitlements of sovereignty, independence and freedom to function as an absolute nation . What became important to Darjeeling's history was Article Three which required, stipulated and stated that Sikkim was "to refer to the arbitration of the British Government any dispute or questions that may arise between his (i.e. Chogyal's) subjects and those of Nepal, or any other neighbouring State, and to abide by the decision of the British Government." This Article Three became operational when the Chogyal asked the East India Company to arbitrate on the Ontoo Dara dispute because both Sikkim and Nepal claimed the dara as its own. So as per the stipulation of Article Three Captain George Alymer Lloyd and J. W. Grant, the Commercial resident at Malda, were deputed to investigate and resolve the matter. It was on the journey to Ontoo Dara that the two men, in February 1829, stayed at Darjeeling for six days at "the old Goorka station called Dorjeling" and were "much impressed with the possibility of the station as a sanatarium." On 18 June 1829 Lloyd communicated to the government regarding the possibility of Darjeeling serving as a sanatarium while about the same time Grant also urged the government to possess the tract.

Now reflecting upon this chapter of history we note the following (1) The British kept their word and gave back to the Chogyal the lands between Mechi and Tista rivers. (2) This transfer of land was effected through the Treaty of Titalya in which the beginning and the end of the treaty were sugarcoated to make the Sikkimese happy. In between the British squeezed out much more than what they had given. Angrejlay gulchay khaylyo. And finally (3) A future Hill Station had been discovered by Lloyd and Grant and that hill station was called Dorje-ling and later as Darjeeling.

(5) DARJEELING BECOMES PART OF BRITISH INDIA

Lord William Bentinck, in June of 1830, proposed to commence negotiation with the Chogyal but this and another subsequent attempt were both struck down, stopped, by Sir C. Metcalfe, a Member of the Supreme Council, on the grounds that the neighbours might look at it with suspicion. Bentinck waited for almost four years and then ordered Major Lloyd to meet the Chogyal and negotiate the cession of Darjeeling "offering such equivalent either in land or money." To cut short the story Lloyd conveyed the Governor-General's message while the Chogyal placed three conditions viz (i) The Chogyal would quote a price and that should be paid, (ii) Sikkims border would be extended and (iii) Kummoo Pradhan, the tax collector who had fled to Nepal would be brought to Sikkim for execution of justice. What happened in between is rather vague but in a later meeting the Chogyal gave a short deed of grant. Since it did not define the boundaries of the land to be handed over, Lloyd produced his own deed on which the king stamped his lal mohar. The area defined in this deed became known as the Darjeeling tract and the British claimed it as their new asset. They were under the impression that the grant was unconditional but the Chogyal kept on complaining/ that he had not been compensated, in other words the grant was conditional. It might interest this august house to know that the original negotiation was to be only for the area of present-day Darjeeling town, i.e. the Observatory Hill and the surroundings, but in the stamped deed the area was, about 30 miles long from top to bottom and about six to ten miles along the sides. Now, when the sahibs began building roads and houses the Chogyal began to protest, and with the progress of development the protests grew stronger and louder. Eventually when the Company realized that the Chogyal had been wronged they sent a compensation consisting of:

One double-barrelled gun, a rifle, 20 yards of red broad cloth and two shawls.
Yeshlai bhancha asal helchyakrai: besharam Angrejlay andaaz 240 barga mile jaminko sattako laagi duiwata bundook, ek than luga ani duiwata shawl kun hisablay diyeko hola. Yo hamilay Gorkhaland mangda DGHC diyeko jastai ho, abha aeuta "Chhakka" Schedule pani dinchhu bhandaichha. The Chogyal's pleadings for a just compensation now grew even louder. Eventually the Sikkim ruler threw a devastating bomb, in the form of a letter, to Campbell, who had now taken over from Lloyd as the First Superintendent of the Darjeeling tract. The letter still exists and it claimed in no uncertain words that his three conditions had been accepted by Lloyd. The following is a part of the letter: "Lloyd promised that whatever money I should desire in return should be granted, that my territory should be extended the west to the Tambar River; that Kummoo Pradhan and his brother be delivered to me; and that the deficit in my revenue in their hands should be made good." The East India Company hurriedly offered a compensation of Rs 3,000 per annum which the ruler accepted with certain amount of displeasure. Nevertheless, the British now knew that the deed that they possessed, and the land they had acquired, were suspect, subject to questioning or of doubtful legality and that history would not treat it kindly. Another important fact that they realized was that the tract granted by the Maharaja was totally surrounded by Sikkimese territory and the approach road they were making was illegal because it went through Sikkim. The Chogyal could technically prohibit the British to make the road or even disallow them to pass through his Sikkim. Now with a suspect deed of grant and access to Darjeeling being only through Sikkimese soil the situation was not good at all. Something had to be done.

In examining the just mentioned episodes we find that (1) The deed of grant of Darjeeling could not become operative since the British had not met the conditions laid down by the Chogyal. Meet garnu saknay awastha panita thiyayna. Kummo Pradhan Nepalma guhar liyayra basako thiyo ani Angrez-Nepal majha kunai extradition treaty thiyayna. Chogyallay Sikkimko simana Tambar kholasamma baraidinay dawa rakheko thiyo tara tyo chhetra Sugauli Sandhima Nepallai deisakeko thiyo. Therefore these two conditions were impossible to meet and so the treaty was in effect invalid. (2) The best thing to do would have been to return Darjeeling tract to Sikkim. It was not done so because: three reasons (a) a lot of money had already been spent on the construction of the road, houses and staging posts, (b) a large number of Darjeeling plots had already been sold off, in Calcutta, and most of the buyers were men of money, matter and political muscle (c) the British desperately needed Darjeeling. Before Darjeeling was discovered the Himalayan region had Shimla, Chail and Mussoorie as hill stations serving the Europeans in North India, Central India had Mount Abu and Hazaribagh, South India had Mandapalle, Bangalore, Kotagiri, Ooty, and Kodaikanal, West India had Purandha and Mahabalshwar but Eastern India had no hill station. When Cherrapunji was taken over in 1829 the British thought they had that much sought after hill station but Cherra was the world's rainiest place and all hopes got literally washed away. Shillong was a close option but the Khasis refused to surrender, they were giving the British a hard time. So, every officer in India could rush off to their own hill station be he from North, south, west or central India, but the capital of India, the second city of the British empire, had nowhere to go to. Imagine the frustration, imagine the embarrassment, and imagine the desperation and you can imagine why the British would not give back Darjeeling. Finally point number (3) The Chogyal had in good faith blindly put his seal on the document produced by Lloyd. Yaha auta sanu kura bhannu chha. Lloyd chalak manchay thiyo. Uslay pesh gareko dalil Lapchay bhasama thiyo tara Raja thiyo Bhotay. Parnay echchha bhayetapani parnu nasaknay. So, Saheblay kinachai chhal-kapat garchha hola bhannay biswasma Sikkimpatti Maharajalay lalmohor thoki baakshinu bhayo.

(6) ANNEXATION OF DARJEELING

Yes, now the only option left for the British was to militarily annex the areas south of the Rumman and Rungit Rivers and thereby get free access to the tract and also make the deed of grant a document of no importance, because Darjeeling would now be British through military victory and not because the Maharaja had granted it. The opportunity to strike at Sikkim came when Joseph Dalton Hooker, a botanist, and Campbell were arrested in Sikkim. Sikkim claimed that their entry was illegal and the British claimed that the Chogyal had issued them entry permits. Over this issue the British troops marched into Sikkim. Campbell and his soldiers crossed the Rangit River and stayed for several weeks along the northern bank. Sikkim did not contest and the troops returned and the British announced to the villagers that the area was now a property of the British government. This annexed area consisted of the Sikkim terai, and hill areas south of the Rumman Nadi, west of the Bara Rangit and Tista rivers and the hills to the east of the Nepal frontier.

Yaha auta thulo prashna aucha, question chha: Kay Hookerkoma Chogyallay diyeko permit sachinai thiyo ra? Permit raheko bhayay Sikkimko sarkari karmachari harulai kina dekhaunu sakena ya dekhayayna? Hamro paharko bisaya liyera Hooker saheblay dui wata moto moto kitabharu lekhnu bhayo jaha gumbako, phoolko, padam baas etyadiko assi wata jasto chitra chha tara tyo mahatapurna permitko kunai chitra chhaina. Permit nai thiyena bhanay chitra kaha bata chhapaunay. In 1983, 135 years after his arrest there was great excitement in England because some hand written manuscript in vernacular was found amongst some old papers of Sir Joseph Hooker. Could they be the permit issued by the Maharajah of Sikkim? Unable to read the script Xerox of the same was sent to my teacher and friend, the world famous linguist, Professor Richard Keith Sprigg. Eeesh, pramaan chha bhanna lai Angrez haru tayar bha-ay. Professor Sprigg had to inform his fellow Englishmen that the papers were not the permit but the accounts of daily purchases and other expenses. Tyo kaagzharu ta Hooker sahibko baidarbabulay prati dinko kharcha, samanko daam etyadi, Lepcha lipima lekhekopo raicha. Angrez haru aja pani praman khojdai chha bhanchha. Khojos! Paunay kaha bata!

(7) DARJEELING PUSHED INTO BENGAL

The present-day sub-division of Kalimpong along with the Duars became British property following the defeat of the Bhutanese in the Anglo-Bhutan war in November 1865. It was first put under the Deputy Commissioner of Western Duars but in 1866 it was transferred to the District of Darjeeling giving the district its final shape. Initially, this new district was treated differently and was designated as a "NON-REGULATION District" meaning any Act or Regulation passed in the Bengal Presidency did not come into force in district unless they were specially extended to it. In 1919 when the Government of India Act formed the Legislative Council, Darjeeling was not required to send a member to it. The district was excluded and declared a BACKWARD TRACT and the administration was under the Governor in Council. Even the administrative expenses were not required to be passed by Bengal Government. Furthermore, any Act passed by Bengal Government, which automatically extended to whole of Bengal, would not apply to Darjeeling if the Governor in Council decided to reject it. This in a very subtle way brought our hills a little closer to Bengal, because it also meant that any law passed by the Bengal Government could be applicable to Darjeeling if the Governor did not reject it. This arrangement lasted for another 15 years. Then the black year came and ironically that was Darjeeling's centenary year under the British. The British Government passed an Act in 1935 requiring the three hill subdivisions to send a representative to Bengal Legislative Assembly and Dambarsingh Gurung became Darjeeling's MLA to Bengal. Darjeeling was now pushed into Bengal.

Now we come to the final review: It is patent and historically authenticated that Darjeeling was never a part of Bengal. When Bengal was partitioned in 1905 our Bengali brothers claimed that no one was consulted, no opinion was entertained, no fore-warning was given and no explanation was provided. Bengal and the intellectuals of India rose up as one against the partition. Let our friends not forget that when Darjeeling was merged to Bengal no one was consulted, no opinion was entertained, and that no fore-warning was given and no explanation was provided. Keeping these facts in mind would it not be logical if Bengal joined us in saying "Gorkhaland hunu parcha", "Shatyi, Gorkhaland huwa uuchit" po bhannu parnay. Why do Bengal politicians keep harping and shouting that Bengal will not be partitioned again. Creating Gorkhaland is not a partition but a just, realistic and honourable act of giving back what was never part of Bengal. Instead Bengal should apologize for holding on to the hills for so many years. Our language is different, our physiognomy or physical structure is different, our food habits, music, drama, dances, and clothes are different, the whole cultural milieu is different, even the Hinduism and Buddhism practiced by Bengal and Gorkhaland are different. Geographically we are in the hills and mountains and Bengal is in the plains and so our biology, zoology, climatology and even the associated benefits and disasters of the two regions are different. We do not share the same script, we do not share the same mentality and most of all we do not have a shared history. If we look back to the period before we were pushed, forcibly joined, attached without consent, and made a part of Bengal merely for the sake of administrative convenience we find that we shared no connection with Bengal. How can we share a common future when we do not share a common past! No amount of legislation, state power, gentle cajoling or even brute force can bind two people with uncommon history: Soviet Union is an example, Yugoslavia is an example and Gorkhaland will be another example. Finally, mailay hazurharuko dherai samai liyay, I would like to end with the words of a Bengali intellectual: "Happy Gorkhas in Gorkhaland are any day better for Bengalis than angry Gorkhas in Bengal."
Jai Gorkha
Jai Hind

Peace and History of the Brigade of Gurkhas

2009-04-27T04:47:00.000-07:00

Thursday, 12 Nov 2009
Peace for conflict free societies
Almost all of us think that security, justice and peace are something which are to be taken care of by somebody else--not ourselves--by state, by some agencies or some organizations. We forget that these are integral part of our life and society--in whatever profession we are in. We have to face violence, intimidation, injustice, inequality, hatred, and so on almost daily in our life. In post-conflict societies, as ours, it becomes our duty to establish peace through security and justice. The educational institutions play important roles to respond to the need of the society. They need to reform their educational structures. The educators need to have more knowledge and skills and they need to take actions to work toward 'positive and real' peace. We need to broaden and deepen our thinking about peace and reconciliation for enduring peace in Nepal. We must do something from our side; not just wait somebody to do it for us.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 11:46 AM 0 comments

History of the Brigade of Gurkhas

THE BEGINNING - GURKHAS, NEPAL AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
Robert Clive's decisive victory at the Battle of Plassey in 1757 firmly established British supremacy in India thereby opening the door for expansion of the Honourable East India Company. Some 10 years after Plassey the British started to come into contact with a unique and vigorous power on the northern borders of its newly won territories in Bengal and Bihar.
This power was the city-state of Gorkha led by its dynamic King Prithwi Narayan Shah. Gorkha was a feudal hill village in what is now western Nepal, the village from which the Gurkha takes his name. Prithwi Narayan Shah and his successors grew so powerful that they overan the whole of the hill country from the Kashmir border in the west to Bhutan in the east. Eventually, as a result of boundary disputes and repeated raids by Gurkha columns into British territory, the Governor General declared war on Nepal in 1814.
After two long and bloody campaigns a Peace Treaty was signed at Sugauli in 1816.
During the war a deep feeling of mutual respect and admiration had developed between the British and their adversaries, the British being much impressed by the fighting and other qualities of the Gurkha soldier. Under the terms of the Peace Treaty large numbers of Gurkhas were permitted to volunteer for service in the East India Company's Army. From these volunteers were formed the first regiments of the Gurkha Brigade, and from this time stems Britain's friendship with Nepal, a country which has proved a staunch ally ever since and has become our 'oldest ally' in Asia.
Never has the trust that was then placed in the Gurkha soldier ever been in doubt. Alongside his British comrade in arms he has fought in many parts of the world and has proved himself to be of the closest of friends and bravest of allies that Britain has known.
'Keeping the Peace' in India under the British flag began for Gurkha soldiers with the Pindaree War in 1817, and the first battle honour gained by Gurkha troops was at Bhurtpore in 1826. The two senior regiments distinguished themselves in the hard fought battles of the 1st Sikh War in 1846, and six regiments of the Nepalese Army were offered to the East India Company for service in the 2nd Sikh War of 1848.
In the Indian Mutiny of 1857-1858 the 2nd Goorkhas showed striking proof of their loyalty at Delhi where, together with the 60th Rifles (now part of The Rifles), they held Hindu Rao's house, the key to the British position which was under continuous fire from the mutineers, for over three months. During this period the 2nd Goorkhas suffered 327 casualties (including 8 of their 9 British Officers) out of a total strength of 490. Also during the mutiny, 12 Nepalese Army Regiments, a force of 8,000 men under the personal leadership of the Prime Minister of Nepal, took part in the final relief of Lucknow.
AFTER THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
Throughout the next 50 years there was much active service in Burma, Afghanistan, the North-East and the North-West Frontiers of India, Malta, Cyprus, Malaya, China (the Boxer Rebellion of 1900) and Tibet (Young husband's Expedition of 1904).
source:http://www.army.mod.uk/gurkhas/7557.aspx

What constituted the Gurkha wariors?

2009-04-27T04:21:00.000-07:00

Gurkhas: Skt. goraksa, “cowherd”), Tibeto-Mongolian Hindus of Nepal. The Gurkhas first came to Nepal in the 12th century, when they were driven out of northern India by the Muslims. The Gurkhas claim descent from the warlike Rajputs of northern India in the present state of Rajasthan, and they speak a Rajasthani Sanskrit dialect. In physique they are short and stocky. An attempt to extend their power southward resulted in the Gurkha War (1814–16) against Great Britain, in which they were defeated. Since that time, many of the Gurkhas, who were known for their excellent fighting, were recruited by the British military service in India and in the British colonies, serving in separate Gurkha regiments. Many of the so-called Gurkha soldiers, however, have been Nepalese of other tribes. The Gurkha troops used to carry short, broad-bladed swords called kukri, which they used in close combat instead of bayonets.
(An article from Funk & Wagnalls® New Encyclopedia. © 2006 World Almanac Education Group. A WRC Media Company. All rights reserved. Except as otherwise permitted by written agreement, uses of the work inconsistent with U.S. and applicable foreign copyright and related laws are prohibited. http://www.history.com/encyclopedia.do?articleId=211153)

They first became known to the Western World when British commanders clashed with them in the hills of Nepal in 1816. After the war ended, the victorious British actively recruited their former foe for their own forces, and a military legend was born. They have been called "the ideal infantrymen" by those fortunate enough to command them. Brave, tough, patient and fiercely loyal, Gurkhas served in both World Wars, in conditions from the blistering deserts to the steamy jungles of Asia. THE GURKHAS tells the remarkable story of these storied soldiers, from their 19th century battles against the English to their astonishing success fighting for the British Empire in history's greatest conflicts. (http://shop.history.com/detail.php?a=75071)

History of Sikkim and other articles

2009-04-22T02:07:00.000-07:00

4.27.2009
History of Sikkim
Courtesy: N.I.C. Gangtok, Sikkim.www.sikkim.nic.in/sws/sikk_his.htm

Sikkim was inhabited in pre-historic times by three tribes namely Naong, Chang and the Mon. The Lepcha who entered Sikkim sometimes later absorbed them completely. The origin of Lepchas is shrouded in mistery but it seems that they belonged to the clan of the Nagas of the Mikir, Garo and Khasia hills which lie to the south of the Bramaputra valley. Some believe they came from somewhere on the borders of Tibet and Burma. According to their own tradition they came to Sikkim from the east in company with Jindaxs, who went to Nepal and shared their tradition. The Lepchas were a very peace loving people, deeply religious and shy, which characteristics they still have retained. They were in fact the children of nature, and worshipped nature or spirits of nature. These Lepcha lived quite close to the nature by way of leading sustenance. Some of them practiced shifting cultivation and raised grains like maize and millets. They led a tribal life at the beck and call of their tribal leader.

The credit of organizing them into some sort of a society goes to a person called Tur ve pa no. He was eventually elected leader of king called "Punu" sometimes in A. D. 1400. He was killed in a battle and was succeeded by three Kings - Tur Song Pa No, Tur Aeng Pa No and Tur Alu Pa No. The monarchy came to an end with the death of the last king. The Lepchas now resorted to the practice of electing a leader whose advice and counsel was sought on crucial matters and followed. The Tibetan migration in early 17th century led the Rongs to shift their habitats so as to avoid conflict. Meanwhile the struggle and conflicts among the followers of the "Yellow hats" and the "Red hats" in Tibet forced the latter to seek refuge in Sikkim, where they attained the status of aristocracy. Being aggressive they occupied lands, which was not registered by the docile Lepchas. These Tibetan migrants (the Bhutias as they came to be known) who were followers of the sect of 'Red Hats' now tried to convert these Sikkimese "Worshippers of nature" to Buddhism. They succeeded to some extent, though the Lepchas tried to keep themselves aloof as far as possible. In order to avoid any possible opposition from the Lepchas, these immigrants now chose one venerable person Phuntsok Namgyal as the temporal and spiritual leader of Sikkim, whose ancestry they traced from a legendary prince, who founded the Kingdom of Minvang in eastern Tibet in 9th century A.D. This dynasty ruled in the Chumbi and Teesta valley for a long time.

Somewhere in the Thirteenth century a prince named Guru Tashi of Minyang dynasty in Tibethad a divine vision that he should go south to seek his fortune in "Denzong- the valley of rice". As directed by the divine vision he along with his family, which included five sons, headed in the southern direction. The family during their wandering came across the Sakya Kingdom in which a monastery was being built at that time. The workers had not been successful in erecting pillars for the monastery. The elder son of Guru Tashi raised the pillar single handedly and thereby came to be known as "Kheye Bumsa" meaning the superior of ten thousand heroes.

The Sakya King offered his daughter in marriage to Khye Bumsa. Guru Tashi subsequently died and Khye Bumsa settled in Chumbi Valley and it was here that he established contacts with the Lepcha Chieftain Thekong Tek in Gangtok. Khye Bumsa being issueless went to Sikkim in the 13th century to seek the blessing of Thekong Tek who was also a religious leader. Khye Bumsa was not only blessed with three sons by the Rong chief but he also prophesied that his successors would be the rulers of Sikkim. Out of gratitude Khye Bumsa visited Thekong Tek a number of times. In due course of times the relationship ultimately culminated in a treaty of brotherhood between the two Chieftains at a place called Kabi Longtsok. This treaty brought about new ties of brotherhood between the Lepchas and the Bhutias.

Mipon Rab the third son of Khye Bumsa assumed the Chief-Ship after the death of his father. He had sons and the four principal clans of Sikkim are said to have sprung from these four sons. The fourth son Guru Tashi succeeded Mipon Rab and shifted to Gangtok. On the other hand after the death of Thekong Tek the Lepchas broke into minor clans. They also gradually turned to Guru Tashifor protection and leadership. Guru Tashi appointed a Lepcha, Sambre as his chief adviser and lieutenant. Guru Tashi's rule marked the absorption of the foreign ruling house into the native soil and also paved a way for a regular monarchy. This way Guru Tashi became the first ruler of Sikkim and was crowned as such. He was followed by Jowo Nagpo, Jowo Apha and Guru Tenzing who pursued the policy creating progressively amicable relation with Lepchas.

Phuntsok (or penchu) Namgyal was the next ruler. He was Guru Tenzing's son (great grandson of Guru Tashi) and was born in 1604. Phuntsok Namgyal's crowning was charged with all the vivid fantacy and miraculous phenomenon that is befitting to so important an occasion. Three venerable lamas are said to have entered sikkim from three different direction direction at the same time. They met at Yoksam (meaning three wise men) and began a debate on the desirability of having a temporal and religious head to rule over pagan Sikkim. Two of the lamas furthered their own claims but the third lama reminded them of the prophecy of Guru Padamsambhava that a man coming from east and Phuntsok by name would rule Sikkim. It was also told that none of them came from east hence the real man must be looked for. Messengers were sent to seek Phuntsok. Near Gangtok the desired youngman was found and lamas lost no time in crowning him the king. They seated him on a nearby rock slab and sprinkled water on him from the sacred urn. He was given one of Lhatsun Chenpo's (the lama told about prophecy) names, Namgyal, and the title of Chogyal or religious king. It happened in the year 1642. The Namgyal dynasty ruled over Sikkim as hereditary kings for about 332 years.

Phuntsok Namgyal, the first consecrated ruler ruled over a vast territory, many times the size of present Sikkim. His kingdom touched Thang La in the Tibet in the north, Tagong La near Paro in Bhutan in the east and the Titalia on the borders of West Bengal and Bihar in the south. The western border Timar Chorten on the Timar river in Nepal. Phuntsok though a distant descendant of Indrabodhi was now a Bhutia by his domicile. He was persuaded by the lamas enthroning him as Chogyal (Heavenly king or king who rules with righteousness) to seek recognition from Dalai Lama of Tibet. The Dalai Lama recognized Phuntsok Namgyal as the ruler of the southern slopes of the Himalayas (Sikkim) and is also credited to have sent ceremonial present such as the silken scarf bearing Dalai Lama's seal, the mitre(hat) of the Guru Rimpoche, the devil dagger (Phurpa) and the most precious sand image of the Guru. Consequently, the newly established Bhutia principality of Namgyal Dynasty was tied to Tibetan theocracy. Since then up to 19th century, the Bhutia rulers of Sikkim looked up to Tibet for protection against political foes. Phuntsok Namgyal proved to be an efficient and capable administrator. He divided his kingdom into twelve Dzongs i.e. districts and appointed Dzongpana i.e. governor for each. He also declared Mahayana Buddhism as the state religion, which continued to be the state religion under all the Namgyal rulers. He very tactfully kept the lepchas, Bhutias and Limbus together. The Governors were appointed from the lepchas who were then in majority. Since Yatung the greatest commercial Tibetan center being nearer to Gangtok posed some danger, he shifted his capital to Yoksom.

Phunstok Namgyal and the three saints immediately got to the task of successfully bringing the Lepcha tribes under the Buddhist fold. Politically, sikkim expanded its borders, which include Chumbi valley, the present Darjeeling district and a part of present-day Nepal and Bhutan. The capital of sikkim was established in Yoksam itself.

Tensung Namgyal succeded his father Phuntsok Namgyal in 1670 and moved his capital to Rabdentse. He had three wives - a Tibetan, a Bhutanese and Limbu girl. The latter was the daughter of the Limbu chief Yo Yo-Hang. The chief's daughter brought with her seven girls who were later on married into important families of Sikkim. Many of them rose to the rank of councilors to the King. These councilors later on came to be known as Kazis who enjoyed immense power and privileges.

Chador Namgyal a minor son from Tensung's second wife succeeded on the death of his father. Pedi the daughter from the first wife who came from Bhutan challenged the succession and invited Bhutanese intervention. Having come to know about this secret move Yungthing Yeshe a loyal minister took the minor king to Lhasa. During his asylum in Lhasa, Chador Namgyal distinguished himself in Buddhist learning and Tibetan literature. By dint of his acumen and scholarship he rose to the position of state astrologer to the Sixth Dalai Lama. The Dalai Lama was so much pleased with the erudition of this young scholar that he bestowed high honors and titles on the young king. The young king also received an estate in central Tibet with sovereign rights. On the other hand Bhutanese forces had captured the Rabdentse palace and imprisoned the son of Yugthing Yeshe. But on the intervention of Tibet, King Deb of Bhutan withdrew. Chador Namgyal came back and drove out the rest of Bhutanese forces. The south-eastern tract was, however, lost to sikkim as it had been heavily colonized by then. The Bhutanese after a short while made a second attempt to capture Sikkim territory. Chador Namgyal gave a tough resistance but areas now called as Kalimpong and Rhenock were lost forever. Chador was himself religious and took steps for the propagation of Buddhist religion in his territory. He commanded that the second of every three sons of Bhutia family must be ordained a monk of the Pemiongchi Monastery, which was also open to the Tsongs. He not only built the Guru Lhakhang Tashiding (1715) and patronised the sacred places but also adapted the religious dances (mystery plays) to keep alive the martial and native traditions and invented an alphabet for the Lepchas. However, Pedi the half sister of the ruler did not reconcile. She conspired with a Tibetan man of medicine and caused Chador Namgyal's death by way of blood letting from a main artery while the king was holidaying at Ralang hot water spring in 1716. A force was sent to Namchi, the doctor was executed and Pedi was strangled to death by a silk scarf.

Gyurmed Namgyal succeeded his father Chador. Consequently upon a Mongol (Dzungar) invasion on Tibet to persecute Nyingma sect, the Mindoling Abbot's sister. In his times the people were forced to work on the fortification of Rabdentse in the fear of Gurkhas and Bhutanese raids. Many Tsongs who were not prepared to yield to forced labour fled to Limbuana, which became a rebel district and broke away from Sikkim even earlier to Gurkha expansion. A boundary dispute with Bhutan also arose. The Magar Chieftain Tashi Bidur also revolted, though he was subdued. Limbuana was, however, lost to Nepal. Gyurmed had no issue but while on his death bed at the age of 26 (1733) gave out that a nun in Sanga Choling was carrying his child. But some people do not believe it. It is said, he was impotent and generally shunned his wife.

Therefore, the story goes that in order to keep the Namgyal Dynasty going, the lama priest of Sikkim concocted a story that a nun was carrying the child of the King. Fortunately the nun delivered a male child and he was accepted as heir to Gyurmed. He was named as Phuntsok after the first temporal and the spiritual head of Sikkim.

Phuntsok Namgyal II was opposed by many people including some Bhutias on the plea of illegitimacy. Tamdang a close confident and treasurer of Gyurmed not only opposed the succession but assured the powers of the ruler and continued to rule Sikkim for three years inspite of the opposition by pro-king faction. The Lepchas backed the baby king and fought the pretender under the leadership of Chandzod Karwang. Tamdang was defeated and fled to Tibet to seek guidance and help. But to keep Sikkim under their Tutelage the Tibetan authorities favoured the minority of the king. A convention representing all shades of Sikkimese population was held which defined the functions, powers and responsibilities of the Government. The system of annual taxation was also introduced to augment the state treasury. The Magar tribe, lost its chieftain during this time and asked the regent to appoint the deceased's son as chieftain. But the regent expressed his inability to comply with their demand. This act enraged the Magars who sought the help and protection from Bhutan. This way Sikkim lost Magars allegiance forever. In the year 1752 the Tsongs rose in arms, but were subdued and won over by tactfully by Chandzod Karwang. The rise of Gurkhas also posed a threat for Sikkim. The later years of Phuntsok II witnessed Gurkhas inroads in Sikkim under the leadership of Raja Prithvi Narayan Shah of Nepal who formented the rebellious elements in Sikkim. Bhutan also invaded Sikkim and captured all area east of Tista, but withdrew to present frontiers after negotiation at Rhenock. The Gurkha inroads were beaten back seventeen times. A peace treaty with Nepal was signed in 1775, and Gurkhas promised to abstain from further attacks and collaboration with Bhutanese. But the Gurkhas at a later stage violated the treaty and occupied the land in western Sikkim. Phuntsok II had three queens but had a son Tenzing Namgyal from his second queen in 1769.

Tenzing Namgyal succeeded Phuntsok Namgyal in 1780. During the reign of Tenzing Namgyal, Nepali forces occupied large chunks of Sikkim territory. They attacked Rabdantse and the Chogyal had to flee to Tibet. The Nepalis excursions emboldened them to penetrate even into Tibet. This led to the Chinese intervention and Nepal was defeated. In the Sino-Nepal treaty, Sikkim lost some of its land to Nepal, but monarchy was allowed to be restored in the country. Tenzing Namgyal died in Lhasa and his son Tsudphud Namgyal was sent to Sikkim in 1793 to succeed him as the monarch. Rabdantse was now, considered too insecure because of its proximity to the Nepal border and Tshudphund Namgyal shifted the capital to a place called Tumlong.

The defeat of Nepal by the Chinese did little to weaken the expansionist designs of the Nepalese. They continued to make attacks into the neighbouring British territories and Sikkim. British India successfully befriended Sikkim. They felt that by doing so the expanding powers of the Gorkhas would be curtailed. British also looked forward to establishing trade link with Tibet and it was felt that the route through Sikkim was the most feasible one. War between Nepal and British India broke out in 1814 and came to an end in 1816 with the defeat of the Nepalis and the subsequent signing of the Treaty of Sugauli. As a direct spin-off, British India signed another treaty with Sikkim in 1817 known as the Treaty of Titalia in which former territories, which the Nepalis captured, were restored to Sikkim. H. H. Risley writes in the Gazette of Sikkim, 1894, that by the Treaty of Titalia British India has assumed the position of Lord's paramount of Sikkim and a title to exercise a predominant influence in that State has remained undisputed.

The British became interested in Darjeeling both as a hill resort and an outpost from where Tibet and Sikkim would be easily accessible. Following a lot of pressure from the British, Sikkim finally gifted Darjeeling to British India on the understanding that a certain amount would be paid as annual subsidy to Sikkim. The gift deed was signed by the Chogyal Tsudphud Namgyal in 1835. The British appointed a superintendent in the ceded territory. The British however did not pay the compensation as had been stipulated and this led to a quick deterioration of relation between the two countries. There were also difference between the British Government and Sikkim over the status of people of Sikkim. Because of the increased importance of Darjeeling, many citizens of Sikkim mostly of the labor class started to settle there as British subjects. The migration disturbed the feudal lords in Sikkim who resorted to forcibly getting the migrants back to Sikkim. This annoyed the British Government, which considered these as acts of kidnapping of British citizens. The relations deteriorated to such an extent that when Dr. Campbell, the Superintendent of Darjeeling and Dr. Hooker visited Sikkim in connection with the latter's botanical research, they were captured and imprisoned in 1849. The British issued an ultimatum and the two captives were released after a month of detention. In February 1850, an expedition was sent to Sikkim, which resulted in the stoppage of the annual grant of Rs. 6000/- to the Maharaja of Sikkim and also the annexation of Darjeeling and a great portion of Sikkim to British India.

Sikkim resorted to making attacks into British territories and it was in November 1860 that the British sent an expeditionary force to Sikkim. This force was driven back from Rinchenpong in Sikkim. A stronger force was sent in 1861 that resulted in the capture of the capital Tumlong and the signing of a Treaty between the British and Sikkimese the same year.

His son Sidekeong Namgyal succeeded Tsugphud Namgyal in 1863. The British Government started the payment of annual subsidy of Rs. 6000/- in 1850 for Darjeeling. In an attempt to keep good relation with Sikkim, the British enhanced the subsidy to Rs. 12000/- per annum.

Chogyal Sidekong Namgyal defied in 1874 issueless and was succeeded by his half brother Thutob Namgyal. There were serious difference between the Nepalese settlers and the original inhabitants of Sikkim and this led to British intervention. The settlement went in favour of the Nepali settlers and made Thutob Namgyal have ill feeling for the British. He retreated to Chumbi and became more aligned towards the Tibetans.

The British meanwhile were making concerted efforts to establish a trade links with Tibet and also imposed their influence. A delegation led by Colman Macaulay, Financial Secretary to the Bengal Government of British India was sent to Sikkim in 1884 to explore the possibility of establishing a trade route with Tibet through the Lachen Valley. This delegation visited Tumlong the capital where it met the Maharaja.

The Britishers started building of roads in Sikkim. This was viewed with suspicion by Tibet and in 1886, some Tibetan militia occupied Lingtu in sikkim near Jelepla pass. In May 1888, the Tibetans attacked Gnathang below Jelepla but were driven away. In September of the same year the British called for reinforcements and the Tibetans were pushed back from Lingtu. A memorial was built at Gnathang for the few British soldiers who died in the engagement.

The Britishers appointed Claude White as the first political officer in Sikkim in 1889 and Chogyal Thutob Namgyal was virtually under his supervision. Thutob Namgyal shifted the capital from Tumlong to Gangtok in 1894. The Sir Thutob Namgyal Memorial (STNM) Hospital built in 1917 is named in the memory of Thutob Namgyal who died in 1914.

Alarmed by the growing Russian influence in Tibet and also to assert itself, the British sent an expedition led by Col. Younghusband to Lhasa via Jelepla in 1904. The expedition met with resistance from the Tibetan army, which was defeated, and a treaty was dictated by Younghusband on Tibet. The Treaty secured monopoly-trading privileges in Tibet for the British. Thutob Namgyal was succeeded by his son Sidekong Tulku in 1914. Unfortunately he did not live long and died in the same year. He was succeeded by his half brother Tashi Namgyal who promulgated many reforms in the state.

In 1947 when India became independent, Tashi Namgyal was successful in getting a special status of protectorate for Sikkim. This was in face of stiff resistance from local parties like Sikkim State Congress who wanted a democratic setup and accession of Sikkim to the Union of India. between India and Sikkim ratified the status of Sikkim as a protectorate with Chogyal as the Monarch. Tashi Namgyal died in 1963 and was succeeded by his son Palden Thondup Namgyal. By the beginning of 1970 there were rumbling in the political ranks and file of the State, which demanded the removal of Monarchy and the establishment of a democratic setup. This finally culminated in wide spread agitation against Sikkim Durbar in 1973.There was a complete collapse in the administration. The Indian Government tried to bring about a semblence of order in the state by appointing a Chief administrator Mr. B. S. Das. Further events and election led to Sikkim becoming transformed from a protectorate to an associate State. On 4th September 1947, the leader of Sikkim Congress, Kazi Lendup Dorji was elected as the Chief Minister of the state. The Chogyal however still remained as the constitutional figure head monarch in the new setup. Mr. B. B. Lal was the first Governor of Sikkim.

Events leading to the confrontation between the Chogyal and the popular Government caused Sikkim to become a full-fledged 22nd state of the Indian Union on 16th may 1975. The institution of Chogyal was subsequently abolished.

Since then Sikkim has been a state of the Indian Union like any other state. The 1979 assembly election saw Mr. Nar Bahadur Bhandari being elected as the Chief Minister of Sikkim. He has been returned to office in the election held in 1984 and 1989. In 1994 assembly election Mr. Pawan Kumar Chamling became the fifth Chief Minister of Sikkim.

Sunday, December 07, 2008
Children of street
07 Dec 2008
It was 19 Nov 2008. We, some members of the Centre for Security and Justice Studies (CSJS), went to the office of Street Talent Concern Nepal (STCN)—an NGO founded by street children themselves which is working for the rehabilitation of the street children—to talk to some street children gathered up there. There are several children’s homes but the problems of street children remain unaddressed. Our objective of the visit was to find out prospects to reintegrate the street children back to their families and societies.

The first thing that we all noticed was the strong smell of the dendrite (malham as they nick named it), a chemical substance used for furniture. Some of these children were inhaling the stuff. They told that these stuffs gave them some kind of “kick” and intoxication. These dendrites were easily available in the local market for seventy rupees (1US $). Manoj Khadka related that his grand father had brought him to Kathmandu. Now he enjoys his life in the street. He does some begging for money. He is aware of some children’s homes in the city which provide food to new comers and only biscuits to “old” children. Saroj Praiyar of Panauti said that he remembers coming with his mother who has eloped with three persons.

These children spend their nights under the open sky without anything to protect them from cold. The pavements of the streets and temples are their usual hangouts. They often spend days without food. They are engaged in rag picking, stealing, begging, pick-pocketing, and robbing “murga” –a drunk and helpless victim. These children fall prey to the early habits of smoking, drinking, drugs, and sexual abuse. The smaller ones are tortured by the hoodlums or “dada”. They take away the money from these small children. Often these small children fall from the river bridge and die in an attempt to escape from these “goondas.” As these children grow older they avoid begging and rags picking. They adopt new tactics to live. They indulge in bigger crimes.

The previous studies have shown that the tendency for children to turn into street is associated with landless families involved in low paid non-agricultural activities. Many of them are cases of single parent or stepparent families whose illiterate guardians do not care for them. Although many of these children would prefer to stay on the street and not rejoin the society as they enjoy the freedom, albeit precarious, of their lifestyle and regard social life as constrained; there are others who really want to resume their studies and go back to their homes. We think, there are opportunities to reintegrate these street children with their families and society.
Dr. Govind P. Thapa
President, CSJS
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 9:03 AM 0 comments

Monday, April 14, 2008
The Constituent Assembly Election 2008
14 Apr 2008
The long awaited Constituent Assembly election was held on 10 April 2008. The relatively peaceful manner and high turnout (more than 65%) in which this election was held was quite a surprise for me and many others amidst clouds of expectations for violence. Then, the first figures of poll results were even more surprising and unexpected. The major political parties—Nepali Congress and United Marxist Leninist (UML)—received heavy blows. Their heavyweights were flattened one-after-another. So far, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has bagged more than fifty percent of announced seats—102 out of 185. There are still results of 138 seats yet to be announced. Now there is a big speculation over the reasons/factors for such a landslide victory. Some of them are:
Vote rigging—but the national/international observers gave a clean report
Fear psychology—the voters did not find any other alternatives to protect themselves in the event of attack and violence by Maoists after the election—it is assumed that they were threatened earlier for dire consequences
Election manifesto/program—more appealing to the voters
Longing for peace—the voters were afraid that if the Maoists were defeated in the election they would go back to the jungle
Longing for change—voters were just looking for overall changes and they felt that only Maoists could bring the change, therefore, they discarded the "veterans"
It is still too early to say definitely about the reasons/factors. Whatever they may be, one truth is very clear—WE WERE VERY FAR AWAY FROM THE GROUND REALITY. Therefore, the results are unexpected and surprising.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 4:06 PM 0 comments

Tuesday, March 25, 2008
Taming domestic problems first
The problems of justice and security begin from our doorsteps; so do the solutions. If we look into the causes of every problem we find ‘human being’ sitting down at the root. The solutions of problems are perceived by people from different perspectives and proximities. Today societies suffer from inequity, inequality, injustice, and insecurity. These are also basic factors for conflict in the societies. Global/world security is more political in nature. The first thing we can start right now is: address these local problems. These are domestic, more important and urgent than regional problems. Let these be tackled first then we can think of regional politics, not at this moment.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 10:41 AM 1 comments

Friday, March 21, 2008
Security system reform in Nepal
Dr. Govind P. Thapa[1]

“Vis consilii expers mole ruit sua” Horace, Odes, 3, 4, 65
(Force without judgment, collapses under its own weight)
Foreword:
I have prepared this discussion paper to invite discussions, debates, and concepts to plan and organize groundwork for better security system. The aim is to initiate preparations for a better, secured, and quality of life of Nepali people in future. This is an attempt to contribute in nation-building process. This is only the beginning of the journey not the end. I believe that together we can change systems. I am indebted to the various sources of information and inspiration given to me from my colleagues.
Background:
Security has two meanings. First, it is used in everyday language to “describe a freedom from threat,” and second, it is employed in Security Studies to “capture the survival of the state” (Waever, 1995: 67). He acknowledges that dynamics at the individual and international level can and do play a significant role in influencing national security. He further states that “societal insecurity is the result of an increasing incapacity of states to protect the interests of their citizens resulting from the progressive dispersion of political power” (Waever, 1995:67). Klare and Daniel advocate a ‘‘world security” concept that accounts for the global nature of contemporary problems. To them, world security is “distinguished by the belief that security involves more than protection against military attack..ecological, economic and demographic trends pose serious challenges to [developed] countries. And even the less-developed “South” where the threat of armed attack remains constant, nonmilitary trends pose equal or greater threats to people’s security.” In fact, the intra-state conflicts have increased the vulnerabilities and have done more damages than the inter-state conflicts.
The concept of security can be articulated based on the concepts of international, state and human security. The twenty-first century demonstrates the need to solve problems of millions of human beings who are adversely affected by enormous and growing political, economic, social, health, personal and cultural insecurities (Aravena). At the end of 2000, UNDP updated its development strategy for crisis and post-conflict (CPC) countries to emphasize four key risk factors “that fuel violent conflict": inequity, inequality, justice, and insecurity.[2] UNDP (1994) defines human security as:
“The security of people through development not arms; through cooperation, not confrontation; through peace not war….or more explicitly: First, safety from such chronic threats as hunger, disease and repression. And second,…protection from sudden and hurtful disruptions in the patterns of daily life-whether in homes, in jobs or in communities. Such threats can exist at all levels of national income and development.”
According to Paris (2001) human security is “the latest in a long line of neologism—including common security, global security, cooperative security, and comprehensive security—that encourage policymakers and scholars to think about international security as something more than the military defense of state interests and territory.”
Security is a core aspect of the vulnerability of the poor. Security sector reform aims to develop a secure environment based on development, rule of law, good governance and local ownership of security actors (GFN-SSR). Security is important for improved governance. Inappropriate security structures and mechanisms can contribute to weak governance and to instability and violent conflict, which impact negatively on poverty reduction. As the UN Secretary General notes in his September 2003 report on the Millennium Declaration: “We must make even greater efforts to prevent the outbreak of violence well before tensions and conflicts have eroded polities and economies to the point of collapse.” SSR is a key component of the broader “human security” agenda, developed with leadership from the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and described in Human Security Now, the report of the UN Commission on Human Security. The human security agenda includes, for example, issues of livelihoods and social organization of the poor that go beyond those covered here. The concept of SSR was also influenced by the broader ‘human security’ agenda which is based on two key ideas: first, that the protection of individuals is critical to both national and international security; and second, that the security conditions required by people for their development are not limited to traditional matters like national defence and law and order, but rather incorporate broader political, economic and social issues that ensure a life free from risk and ill-being (Henrickson).
The traditional concept of security – which revolves around the protection of states from military threats – is being redefined in three important respects that provide the basis for the security system reform policy agenda (OECD):
The focus of security policy itself is broadening from an almost exclusive focus on state stability and regime security to include the well-being of their populations and human rights.
Security and development are increasingly seen as being inextricably linked which opens the way to mainstreaming security as a public policy and a governance issue. This invites greater public scrutiny of security policy.
State institutions involved in providing security are being re-evaluated. The military is now seen as only one instrument of security policy with traditional legal, social and economic instruments receiving greater attention.
What is SSR?
“SSR addresses the wider security infrastructure that exists within states. SSR programs seek to ensure these security agents function according to higher national planning priorities, democratic policies and principles, sound legislative frameworks, adequate capacity and resources and an acceptable degree of civilian oversight….The reform of all agents responsible for establishing a democratic rule of law must be addressed simultaneously. … Comprehensive approaches to SSR programs involve efforts to decrease the availability of small arms and light weapons and efforts to strengthen civil society institutions"(Fitz-Gerald). SSR can also include issues such as DDR, access to justice, civil-military relations, accountability and transparency, institutional reform, oversight, public safety, and the rule of law.

Peace agreements offer a window of opportunity to begin restructuring the security sector by disbanding and disarming armed forces and merging rebel forces into a new national army. These ‘surface’ level reforms can help to put an end to fighting. More fundamental reforms will usually not be possible until conflicts have been shifted from the military to the political arena and until basic administrative capacity in the area of planning and implementation of policy has been restored (DFID). In 2004, DAC Members agreed a policy statement and paper on Security System Reform and Governance. In the policy paper, SSR is defined as ‘the transformation of the “security system” – which includes all the actors, their roles, responsibilities and actions – working together to manage and operate the system in a manner that is more consistent with democratic norms and sound principles of good governance.’
Security System Reform itself also extends well beyond the narrower focus of more traditional security assistance on defense, intelligence and policing. The security sector refers to organisations and entities that have the authority, capacity and/or orders to use force or the threat of force to protect the state and civilians. It also includes the civil structures responsible for managing such organisations. The security system includes:
Core security actors-armed forces; police; gendarmeries; paramilitary forces; presidential guards, intelligence and security services (both military and civilian); coast guards; border guards; customs authorities; reserve or local security units (civil defence forces, national guards, militias);
Management and oversight bodies- the executive, national security advisory bodies, legislative and legislative select committees; ministries of defence, internal affairs, foreign affairs; customary and traditional authorities; financial management bodies (finance ministries, budget officers, financial audit and planning units); and civil society organizations (civilian review boards and public complaints commissions);
Justice and the rule of law-judiciary and justice ministries; prisons; criminal investigation and prosecution services; human rights commissions and ombudsmen; and customary and traditional justice systems; and
4. Non-statutory security forces-liberation armies, guerilla armies, private security companies, political party militias etc. (OECD-DAC).
The key agendas/principles revolving around the security system reform emphasize upon:
· People-centred security rather than state-centred security;
· A holistic view of the security needs of a country rather than an exclusive emphasis on one component of the security sector, such as defence, policing, intelligence or justice;
· Assistance tailored to the needs of each country receiving security assistance rather than transferring structures and procedures from OECD country experience;
· Facilitation and support for learning-by-doing rather than direct implementation,
· Placing governance at the heart of all activities undertaken, with an emphasis on democratic accountability, rule of law and internationally-accepted human rights standards rather than on the transfer of operational training and equipment;
· Adopting a timeframe that is consistent with the capacity of local stakeholders rather than short-term assistance; and
· Recognition that implementing the SSR agenda requires a whole-of-government approach by donor countries, including, critically, the development ministry rather than engagement by one ministry or only security-sector actors.
The objectives of SSR:
The overall objective of security system reform is to create a secure environment that is conducive to development, poverty reduction and democracy. This secure environment rests upon two essential pillars:
i) The ability of the state, through its development policy and programmes, to generate conditions that mitigate the vulnerabilities to which its people are exposed; and
ii) The ability of the state to use the range of policy instruments at its disposal to prevent or address security threats that affect society’s well-being. The key principles of good governance in the justice and security sector can be summarized as follows (UNDP):
The sector’s institutions, particularly those entrusted with the use of force and coercion, are accountable to and their operations are overseen by elected civil authorities and various civil society organizations and associations;
The sector’s institutions operate in accordance with the international law and domestic constitutional law;
The judiciary exists as an independent body capable of rendering judicial decisions and judgments without outside influence or interference;
Individuals are guaranteed due process, legal representation, and equal treatment in a predictable, fair, and transparent legal proceeding in which the legal code and procedure is publicly available;
Information about the planning, budgeting, and operations of the sector’s institutions is widely available, within the government and to the public, and a comprehensive and disciplined approach to the management of all resources is adopted;
Civil-military and civilian-police relations are based on a well-articulated hierarchy of authority between civil authorities and the respective institutions authorized to exercise coercive power, and on a relationship with civil society that is based on the respect for human rights;
Within the legislative and executive branches of governance civil authorities have the capacity to exercise political control over the policies, budgets, and operations of the sector’s institutions and civil society has the capacity to oversee, monitor, and constructively participate in the political debate concerning those policies, budgets, and operations;
An environment exists in which civil society organizations and associations can actively oversee and monitor the sector’s institutions and are consulted on a regular basis on its policies, resource allocations, and other relevant issues;
The personnel working in the sector’s institutions are adequately trained to discharge their duties in a professional manner consistent with due process and human rights requirements.
In the longer term, SSR is typically understood to have four dimensions (Sanamnaraghi):
Political, primarily based on the principle of civilian control over military and security bodies;
Institutional, referring to the physical and technical transformation of security entities (e.g. structure of security establishment, number of troops, equipment, etc.);
Economic, relating to the financing and budgets of forces; and
Societal, relating to the role of civil society in monitoring security policies and programmes.
Steps to transform security institutions include (Sanamnaraghi):
Transforming the structure of the military and security bodies, including, where necessary, reduction in its size through disarming and demobilising forces and/or combining former guerrillas and the military to create a new national service;
Instituting new recruitment and training policies to “professionalise” and “modernise” the new military and police forces (building their capacity, reorienting their focus and teaching new skills such as respect for human rights);
Training and supporting reformed judicial and penal systems (ensuring their independence and accountability to civil society); and
Fostering a cultural transformation so that previously excluded sectors of society (e.g. ethnic or religious groups, women, etc.) are included in security forces and institutions are sensitive to their needs.
Current situation of Nepal—the fragile state:
Nepal falls under the category of fragile states. It is in the post-conflict transition period of fragile state. Post-conflict transition period describes the situation after a state has reached the nadir of violent failure. The characteristics of this type of state are unique in nature. According to Patrick (2005), “This is a precarious situation, where combatants have stood down but may not yet have disarmed. The devastation – physical and emotional – is raw, but the situation is stable for now. An accord on a new governing framework is in place, and perhaps even an initial election has taken place. In short, there is little in the way of effective government – perhaps an international presence and the beginnings of a new local regime. Will and legitimacy are also not yet in evidence – although the population may be exhausted by conflict and ready to place their hopes in the emerging new order. Recent experience of polarization and violence makes extensive social cooperation problematic, although informal coordination within status groups may be effective. Thus, the society’s trajectory is essentially flat, with the prospects of a move upwards to recovery or a slide back into failure approximately balanced.”
A key issue in state fragility or failure is thus whether the society has the wherewithal to reconstitute missing state functions – either in a new or reformed state, or in the form of non-state alternatives such as associations and status-based authority structures (Zartman 1995). Thus, when strong authoritarian states become fragile or fail, we would expect the societies to reconstitute cohesion and social services only with great difficulty. There are several problems specific to fragile states that complicate service delivery. Many are due to deteriorating infrastructure and the increasing proportion of services being provided by international non-governmental organizations (INGOs). As a result of these conditions, service delivery (SD) is fragmented, lacking a national policy framework, with vertical programs often being delivered by INGOs in parallel to government systems. There is usually poor technical and managerial capacity, including weak information systems. Service provision is therefore unsustainable, and INGOs are largely filling urgent gaps in the supply of services – without attempting to build capacity. Indeed, capacity in many cases is eroding, with local staff either demoralized or actively targeted by oppressive regimes – INGOs find that their counterparts in these situations may be arrested or killed (OECD).
The post-April political situation of Nepal has been full of promises, hopes, expectations, demands, anxieties, uncertainties and insecurities. Although the April movement stopped, both, the king’s autocracy and Maoist’s “people’s war”, the peace is yet to be consolidated and affirmed by the constituent assembly. We have witnessed curfews, firings, strikes, bandas, abductions, extortions, bomb explosions, robberies, murders, arsons, violence, and etc. etc. during the past years. The state security apparatus failing to address peoples’ expectations has been a serious concern for national and international communities.
The criminalization of politics and politicization of criminal acts have challenged the hopes of masses. The practice of blanket-type of impunity have threatened the mass with unseen fears and risks—possible recurrences of violence in future. There appears to be lack of accountability for the deterioration of security and peace in the society—“shifting responsibilities” syndromes have been common these days. The wounds and injuries of war are not healing. The gross acts of violence, gun running culture, the erosion of human values and impunity are to be dealt with firm administration. The peoples’ political aspirations are high; the economic gap and social exclusion still loom large in our society. The Kapilvastu riot was an example in which “the local authorities had been ill-prepared and failed to intervene promptly to stop or prevent the spread of violence” (UNHCHR). “There is also a deeper gulf of perspective regarding the extent and breadth of the political, social and economic changes the country should undergo, as well as regarding the future of the Maoist combatants and the country’s security sector” (UN Report on Nepal, Oct 2007).
The credibility and capacity of the security forces have been undermined. Local communities do not trust the weakened police force and a security vacuum have emerged in which criminal gangs and Maoist militias continue to operate. Communities’ involvement in the provision of their own security has dwindled. Local governance structures have been neglected amid the excessive focus on national security. The rhetoric about national reconciliation has failed to address the mutual suspicion which divides communities. Dislocation between political groups at national and grassroots levels, persisting inter-community grievances, and the failure to reintegrate internally displaced persons have led to growing ethnic tensions. Insufficient cooperation between the main political parties and the Maoist party has hampered efforts to improve local security. Maoist groups have sought to secure their local power bases, while other parties treat Maoist intransigency as a convenient excuse for the broader failures of the peace process. The social and economic exclusion of marginalised groups limits their participation in the peace-building process (GFN-SSR; ICG; USIP). The challenging situations of law and order in the country have many backdrop settings:
First, the high aspirations of people along with the April revolution (Jan Aandolan II) have added more challenges to the security system. The government is still confused, weak, and lacks farsighted strategy, policy, and planning. The seven/eight party alliances (SPA) government was much focused on the peace agenda and therefore lacked strategic plan and direction for justice and security. The main undertakings to improvement of the delivery of security services in Nepal still largely depends on an understanding of the complexity of the problems and obstacles, time bound political agreement on political issues, practical policy and strategy related to security and justice, support mechanisms, gaining public support, confidence, and empowerment of non-state actors and enforcement of policy into practice.
Second, the hang-over of the decade-long armed conflict is still visible in the society. The effects of the decade-long armed conflict in Nepal have caused the erosion of the law. It has also caused colossal damage to the national economic growth and shattered the societal fabric of civilization. This has resulted in a state of lawlessness, a gun running culture, fostering armed and organized immoral syndicates. The underlying harms caused by the organized crimes of criminality are immense. Crimes have severe implications through the costs of victimization, which undermine economic and social development. At the same time, there are many pedophiles on the prowl. Many women and children suffer from sexual exploitation. The police find little time to look into these callous acts against humanity. Consequently, the impacts of these crimes have been heavy upon the price and quality of life of Nepali.
Third, Nepal has the legacy of regimental policing. The reformation of the present police, which took place in 1951/52, was the result of the amalgamation of militias, Rakshya Dal, Janamukti Sena, and the revolutionists who took up arms against the hundred and four years of tyrannous Rana regime. Amongst them, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, Pahal Singh Lama, and Rom Bahadur Thapa were with the rank of Majors in the Janamukti Sena, who, later on, were promoted to the rank of Inspector General of Nepal police. Many others also occupied key positions in the police in the subsequent years. For that reason, the very foundation of the police was based upon the revolutionary and military mindset and culture. The duty of the police of that time was to support the political regime or particular governments, therefore the services to the people were of the least priority.
The police force has been authoritarian and characterized by weak accountability and lack of civilian input into policing policy right from the very beginning of its development. The efforts to reform this institution in the past have had very insignificant impacts. The police and the criminal justice system of Nepal remain abusive, corrupt, and ineffective. The politicking in police in the past has distorted the attitude, skills and practices of the police personnel. It has left institutions with little aptitude for fighting crime in a manner that respects human rights principles. People at large consider police and other security apparatus as the age-long tormentor during the Rana regime, Panchayat system, autocratic monarchy and also adversary of the peoples' recent Jan Aandolan II. In the name of maintaining security, the police, and other security forces had resorted to abusive methods to maintaining rule of the laws during all these time. The people now expect respite from all of these.
Nepalis want a police service that thinks and acts democratically, in cooperation with their communities, yet they believe the police still operate according to old methods learnt during the conflict and under monarchic rule. In response to these findings, the Nepali Police asserted that they are endeavouring to improve and meet the needs of local communities. However, they noted their capacity to provide effective law enforcement was limited by a lack of mandate and autonomy and the undue influence of political actors (Saferworld). Looking at the current situation of law and order in Nepal, still much remains to be done by the present government to reinforce the peace and security. The government has yet to put forward a timely strategy and policy to reform/construct the present security system. The blurred visions, lack of confidence and trust, near non-existent weak strategic and policy framework and weak national capacity to manage political, social and economical changes are the main challenges today. In the process of a study, conducted by Saferworld, many respondents said they would happily cooperate with the police if they believed the service was ready to change. The underlying message is that the police have an image problem and must work more closely with communities to gain the public’s trust and respect.
Initiating security system reform in post-conflict Nepal:
In post-conflict societies, there are often urgent needs to establish a basic sense of law and order. Only after this has been achieved, can the wider issues of safety and security be addressed. This continuum from disorder to order to safety and security is the essential starting point for justice and security delivery in post-conflict states. This suggests that it will be hard to make policing work well for all in a fragile state, except in specific regions and localities with the requisite capabilities and orientation. Even in the latter case, the central state is more likely to interfere than in other sectors, since the monopoly of coercion is a defining feature of the state. Such intervention is likely to be either ineffective or predatory, since fragility compromises central policy coordination and disciplining functions.
According to Hills (1996: 6) “When states are fragile and lacking in institutional capacity, their police are unlikely to be disciplined.” Police in a fragile state are visible coercive agents whose functions are primarily order enforcement, paramilitary support and regime representation – but they act inconsistently. Security arrangements vary across countries, with some having relatively integrated security services handling everything from urban policing to control of rural roads to border security and national defense. Other settings, where local public order functions are more devolved, may pose less of a challenge depending on financing and regulatory arrangements. Where the central state recedes, and local public police forces are not well-established, public order responsibilities often fall into the hands of militias and vigilante groups.
Post-conflict justice and systems are characterized by severe dysfunction, low levels of human and material resources, destroyed infrastructure, and lack of public trust. A history of corruption, discrimination and abuse of power within the institutions of justice can destroy the public confidence and perpetuate lawlessness and chaos. The past and current failures to prosecute violators are the direct causes of, or substantial contributing factors to the appalling situation of impunity in the country. In order to develop a security system with democratic control, high level of accountability and community participation, there is a need for a framework for a multi dimensional approach to security and justice for Nepali society. Public Security is a wider concept than just focusing on the police and their training and equipment. Therefore, security is a multi-faceted aspect. Nepal requires working out for a multi-faceted future security system. "Mapping SSR in Nepal is a delicate and complex issue. It is an internally resisted but externally induced subject of inquiry that has raised many eyebrows while deliberating on this topic. Domestically, it is not a straight agenda confined to the civil-military relations alone. Rather it has roots deeply entrenched in the historicity of the formation of the Nepali state and recruitment pattern under a monarchical system" (Dhruva and Hari). SSR can be a very difficult task indeed especially when there will be new state political structures and systems. However, in this process of developing security system frameworks some principles/guidelines can be adapted for the purpose. Some of them could be:
Research based strategy and program:
Separate assessments are required for different states of programme development. This is possible through intensive and comprehensive debate, discussion, and research. There is a growing effort to link research with a range of policy and training initiatives in countries engaged in SSR processes. This is in recognition of the fact that research should be closely linked to the process of generating the local vision and political constituencies necessary to sustain reform processes. By involving policymakers and other personnel from security institutions in the research process will help to bridge the gap between research and policy. Nonetheless, much writing about SSR still suffers from two principal weaknesses (Chuter).
It is too often the product of those without personal experience of, or frequent contact with, the security sector or with politics on the one hand, or without deep regional political expertise on the other.
As a consequence it is too often based on theoretical models drawn from political science, which are of limited use for understanding how the security sector actually works in practice, varying as it does enormously from country to country.
Therefore, there is a need for intensive research in this field. There may be number of specific areas for research (Ball):
Critical research, especially from a Southern perspective, on the (in)coherence and problems of donor SSR programmes
Research on the politics and the political economy of reform processes
Case studies of countries that have undertaken (with or without donor assistance) security reforms, with an emphasis on understanding the factors that influenced the outcome of change processes
The impact that informal institutional factors have on security decision-making processes
How security is viewed at the community level, and how communities prioritize different kinds of security
The relationship between regime types and opportunities for SSR
The link between the emerging developmental approach to SSR (with its emphasis on governance) and the operational requirements for restructuring and reform supported by non-development actors
Alternative defense and security models, postures and strategies, particularly in countries where budgetary, institutional or cultural factors do not lend themselves to the traditional Western model;
Relationship between neo-liberal economic policies and justice and security policies, particularly under authoritarian regimes
An agenda for SSR in industrialized countries, and how this would feed into and influence SSR in developing countries
How 9/11 and the ensuring international response has affected the behavior and priorities of security actors in developing countries, particularly those which have signed up to the ‘war-on-terror’. The critical research question here would be to what extent and how is the war-on-terror undermining recent gains in the SSR agenda?
Better understanding of the spectrum of safety and security issues facing societies, how local level problems relating to poverty and insecurity in communities is linked to the trans-national security concerns which are receiving more attention in light of 9/11
Privatized violence, the role of non-state security actors in meeting community security needs, and the implications for SSR: what are the challenges of establishing a regulatory framework for private security actors at national, regional and international levels, particularly in a context where many weak states are in practice abdicating their responsibilities for regulation in favour of market forces.
Understanding the common ground between the SSR agenda and counter-terrorism work.
Political commitment:
SSR is a political process. The security sector is key to political control. National defense and internal security are the "traditional cornerstones of state sovereignty." In many conflict-affected countries the security sector—the military, police, secret services and intelligence—often have “powers above the law.” General public usually do not get access to information regarding simplest national defense and internal security matters. The security and justice reform can be best approached as a government issue not simply a technical activity.
This means finding “entry points” to build “political will” – where prospects exist in ministries or local governments. Therefore, understanding of political and security context is important. To maximize sustainable impact on the populations concerned, SSR processes need to be locally-owned and based upon democratic values and internationally-accepted human rights principles. This is not to say that a functioning parliamentary democracy is a precondition for at least partial efforts at SSR. But SSR approaches that draw on and contribute to democratic institutions and institutional capacity are more likely to succeed. This warrants for a whole-of-government organization policy framework; not in isolation. All political parties should understand the dynamics of security and show commitment to improve it.
Redefining the roles of security agencies:
There should be a clear definition, roles and responsibilities of parliament and other security institutions. This should also address the ambiguity over following issues (Hans Born):
What is the role of parliament in decision relating to national security policy?
What should be the structure of National Security Council?
What are the roles of the parliament vis-à-vis the government and the judiciary related with security sector? What are the main functions and specifics of each security service? Who are core security actors? Who are security management and oversight bodies? Who are justice and law enforcement institutions? And who are non-statutory security forces?
What internal and political accountability mechanisms are needed?
How can parliament implement effective oversight of the security services?
How do civil society and the media relate to the security sector?
What is the role of women in security sector?
How can the delicate balance be preserved between states of emergency and the preservation of internal security, and respect for human rights?
How can transparency and accountability be applied to security budgeting? How can the security sector be audited?
How are international conventions and regulations relevant to national security policy?
Should security sector be disengaged from politics?
Integrated development and security system reform policies:
Solutions to the security problems facing populations and their states should be sought within the domains of development and security policy. SSR frameworks should therefore address both external and internal threats to people’s safety, to law and order and to state stability. For example, the local governments (wada or village level office) do not have any common agenda for security and justice sector reforms. Even the jurisdictions of police and local governments do not match. Improving and harmonizing the efforts can help to produce a more accountable, affordable, and durable security system.
Civil oversight mechanisms:
Strengthening of a professional security system must be balanced and include the capacity building of civil control and supervision bodies in order to avoid any increase in the power and influence gap between military and civil bodies. This includes ensuring that any development of professional security forces leads them to be both accountable to the civil authorities and capable of carrying out the operational tasks asked of them. Increasing legislative capacity to conduct effective oversight of security forces is a priority area. Parliaments are generally formally responsible for ensuring that the security system meets the needs of the broader public, though the relevant defense and security committees often lack required expertise on security issues and budgetary matters. Various countries are now also seeking assistance to create specialized civilian review boards to strengthen civilian oversight over, and inspire confidence, in the police and other security forces.
The role of civilian oversight in SSR, therefore, cannot be minimized. In fact, civil oversight may be one of the most effective methods of ensuring that the state does not become the source of insecurity, but is part of the solution. Civilian oversight pertains not only to the good governance question of the responsibility of state institutions to manage public services but to civil society and its myriad of organizations and associations, whose active participation is crucial to ensure that the public services provided by the sector meet the needs of the populace (UNDP). Capacity building for parliamentarians is necessary to improve democratic security oversight. Parliamentarians and civil society should be familiarized with legal-political procedures, in particular the drafting of security laws in light of international best practices.
Promote locally owned security structures:
Community participation and cooperation are fundamental pillars for the policing. The peoples’ participation provides input to good governance, and eliminates, in advance, any chances for potential conflicts. This partnership approach would indeed infuse the sense of belongingness, ownership, and satisfaction among the community members. Locally owned security mechanisms should be developed to monitor security forces, promote dialogue between security actors and communities, provide a peaceful dispute resolution function and foster political parties’ accountability. A better mandate for the security forces should be fostered by improving police understanding of local disputes and by recruiting more officers from marginalised groups. The community based police (CBP) structures could be useful in our context. The modern concept of community policing approach allows local people to participate in local government to manage their local security problems. This system will also be instrumental to address multiple existing problems, for example, it will reduce administrative and management cost, foster feeling of ownership at local level, adopt social inclusion policy, etc.
Transparency and accountability:
The security system should be managed according to the same principles of accountability and transparency that apply across the public sector, in particular through greater civil oversight of security processes. These principles include promoting:
i) The availability of information required by policy makers; transparent and accountable decision-making by the appropriate actor(s);
ii) A comprehensive approach to public expenditure management; adoption of medium term perspectives for decision making; and
iii) A capacity and willingness to shift priorities and reallocate resources to achieve strategic objectives. The long-term objective is to ensure that the security system is effectively integrated into all relevant government-wide budgeting and planning processes.
Public education:
Public education on the issues of security is important and necessary for informed-decision-making. Unless public are educated and aware of the security issues they will not be able to feedback—leading to the dominance of security agencies in policy making process. A well-informed civil society and a strong independent media can offer an independent perspectives to democratic institutions. There is a growing consensus among policy-makers and scholars that civil society also makes important contributions to SSR, including:
Facilitating dialogue and debate;
Encouraging inclusiveness and equal participation of all communities in the discussions, a sense of local ownership of the process and the sector;
Promoting transparency;
Sharing knowledge and providing training on issues ranging from gender to human rights; and
Monitoring reform initiatives.
Conclusion:
Dramatic changes in societies, which move from authoritarian rule to democratic governance often, weaken the state and social control, generating increased levels of crime. However, it does not allow redundancy. The experiences of many conflict ridden countries have to be considered and utilized to insure security. The imagination to innovate, the professionalism to perform and the openness to collaborate are the fundamentals to the working-style of any government. The government must take immediate action to formulate immediate and short-term laws and policies to neutralize criminal plans, deactivate profit motives, and assign special task forces to prevent and control violence and serious crimes. Close coordination among state and other non-statutory agencies and unison of efforts should be given impetus to achieve these desired goals.
The maintenance of law and order and crime control is the responsibility of the police of any country. The solutions to crime problems tend to involve increased police presence—more police strengths. Many police forces in the world still suffer from “means to end” or “quantity to quality” syndrome. The demand and supply of manpower, hardware weapons, and gadgets only do not solve the crime problems. There is acute need for brains, public trust and confidence; education to humanize police behaviors; stabilization of police in the local community; and developing professionalism than adding arms and armaments. The “militarization” of the police is always a dangerous move. It does not help; rather adds problems. Moreover, we need to be attentive to the education of people to be self law-abiding rather than persecute them to obey law and rules. More “self-disciplined’ citizens will solve crime problems—certainly not more police. The state bears the responsibility to provide the basic security needs of a common man. The state can not accomplish this until there is an integrated approach. In Nepal, the formal education of security management has been very limited for general public. This practice has, quite often, resulted in faulty policies and poor implementations. Therefore, there is a need for public education on security and strategic matters which will help the state in reviewing security policies and restructuring security system for obtaining optimum benefits in most cost effective way.

Reference:

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[1] Dr. Thapa is retired additional inspector general of Nepal police. Currently he is associated with Kathmandu University School of Management (KUSOM) for Post Graduate Diploma in Security Management. He is also Chairperson of the Centre for Security and Justice Studies, Nepal (CSJS). This paper is presented in the seminar on Security System Reform in Nepal on 20 Mar 2008 at KUSOM. He can be reached at dibrung@wlink.com.np
[2] United Nations, Executive Board of the United Nations Development Programme and of the United Nations Population Fund, “Role of UNDP in Crisis and Post-Conflict Situations,” DP/2001/4, November 27, 2000, www.undp.org/erd/ref/undp_in_cpc_sit.pdf, para. 45.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 4:42 PM 0 comments

Human Security and Landmines: Building National Capability
Dr. Govind Thapa
Background

‘Human security means protecting vital freedoms. It means protecting people from critical and pervasive threats and situations, building on their strengths and aspirations. It also means creating systems that give people the building blocks of survival, dignity and livelihood. To do this, it offers two general strategies: protection and empowerment. Protection shields people from dangers. Empowerment enables people to develop their potential and become full participants in decision-making’ (Report of the UN Commission on Human Security, 2003). Security means ‘The quality or state of being secured’, ‘freedom from fear or anxiety’, ‘freedom from danger’ (Kanji, 2003). Kevin (1990) defines security as: ‘..a basic social process (a changing but integral component of all relationships), without which social life would be both meaningless and relatively dangerous’… ‘..cultural values, processes of sociation, integration and co-operation are likely to be more important determinants of real security than strong state systems which rest their power on the military or other forms of coercive capability’.
The advocates of the ‘broad’ concept of human security argue that the threat agenda should include hunger, disease and natural disasters because these kill far more people than war, genocide and terrorism combined. Human security policy, they argue, should seek to protect people from these threats as well as from violence—violence of war— arms, landmines and IEDs. In its broadest definitions the human security agenda also incorporates social, political, economic insecurity and ‘threats to human dignity’. Amongst many threats to the life of human being; landmines, booby-traps, and IEDS are also prominent ones. As one Khmer Rouge general put it, a landmine is a perfect soldier: "Ever courageous, never sleeps, never misses." Landmines have been used on a massive scale since their development. It has been estimated that 400 million landmines have been sown since the beginning of the Second World War, including at least 65 million in the last 15 years (Stephen).
Currently 80 to 110 million are deployed in 64 countries around the world. The majority of countries most heavily contaminated with landmines are in the developing world (Jody). Landmines kill and wound over 20,000 people each year. The most heavily mine-affected countries in the world, according to a UN study, are: Afghanistan, Angola, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Cambodia, Croatia, Eritrea, Iraq, Mozambique, Namibia, Somalia, Nicaragua and Sudan. These 12 countries together account for almost 50 percent of the landmines currently deployed in the world and also suffer the highest number of landmines casualties (UN).Virtually all combatants use land-mines. Since 1975, land-mines have exploded under more than 1 million people and are currently thought to be killing 800 people a month. There seems little prospect of any end to the bloodshed.
Landmines, the ‘silent killers’, are of two basic types—antitank and anti-vehicle and antipersonnel. Antitank mines are larger and more powerful than antipersonnel mines. However, antipersonnel mines are the most common type of mine, yet the most difficult to find because they are small and often made of plastic. Antitank mines generally contain more metal than do antipersonnel mines and are thus more easily detectable by simple metal detectors. Both types are buried as close to the surface as possible and are found in a variety of soils and terrain--rocky or sandy soil, open fields, forested areas, steep terrain, jungle. For both types of mines, detonation is typically caused by pressure, although some are activated by a trip-wire or other mechanisms. Thus, a land-mine detector must do its job without having direct contact with a mine. It also must be able to locate all types of mines individually in a variety of environments.

Use of landmines, booby-traps and IEDs in Nepal

The ‘Peoples’ War’ was fought not politically—neutralizing the political ideology and agenda of opponents. It was not the ‘war’ of wits but the ‘war’ of violent means of using arms, landmines, booby traps and IEDs. The indiscriminate use of these landmines and IEDs resulted in the casualties of innocent people—especially women and children. The war was not fought strategically, tactically and methodically but entirely in wild and indiscriminate way without giving due regards for the lives of innocent people. The human rights principles and rules of war were utterly disregarded. In the decade-long ‘Peoples’ War’ of Nepal, landmines and booby traps were used erratically. Dangerous items of arms and ammunitions, landmines and IEDs were transported by means of public transports—buses, trucks, helicopters—even airplanes and trains were not spared. Innocent people were forcefully engaged to carry these materials at the risk of their own lives. These mines were stored in public and private property—like schools, government offices and other public utility facilities.
In an interview to ISN Security Watch, Brigadier General Lok Bahadur Thapa Magar, director of Engineers at the Nepal Army's Mine Action Coordinating Committee said: "The army planted 12,500 mines in the five years that it was called in. They were planted in 52 locations in 37 districts to protect security bases in remote areas. We used them for deterrence only, to compensate for our lack of troops and ammunition, and give soldiers confidence” (RAONLINE). The Nepal branch of the International Campaign to Ban Landmines says the organization has recorded around 1382 deaths caused by landmines since the rebels took up arms in 1996. Out of 4747 victims of landmines and explosions 3365 have survived (NCBL). These are the numbers of ‘direct victims’; there must be thousands and thousands of ‘indirect victims’ of landmines and explosives. We do not have the statistics of these victims yet and we have not bothered to collect.
During the decade-long ‘Peoples’ War’, mines and IEDs were laid down and abandoned indiscriminately over the jungles, pasture fields, farms, water spots, roads, bridges, culverts, and foot-tracks. In many situations unexploded ordnance (UXOs) are as lethal a legacy as landmines. These explosives were abandoned, unaccounted and unattended inviting hazards to the lives of common people. The degree of accountability from both sides—state and non-state party—was at zero level. Non-combatants were also targeted and victimized. Complete violations of national and international laws by state and non-state party were ‘regular’ practices. The recklessness in laying, marking and demining have cost lives of many army and police personnel inside their own 'protected' area—for example in April 2006, soldiers digging inside the perimeter of an army barracks in Tamghas, the capital of Gulmi district, detonated a mine, killing seven soldiers and injuring 10 others. The impacts of the landmines are numerous: social, economical, political, physical—loss of human life, dignity and rights, and erosion of rule of law.

Demining the Minefields

Landmines have been used so extensively because they are readily available, cheap and easy to use. While landmines are not hard to deploy, their removal is, however, painstakingly slow, dangerous and expensive. The biggest problem and challenge that Nepal faces today is in the sector of ‘demining of minefields’. Mine-detection technology has not kept pace with rapid developments in mines, which have made them more deadly and more difficult to trace(Jody). Various detection technologies are currently used, each with limits or flaws. Dogs and other "sniffers" have high ongoing expenses, are subject to fatigue, and can be fooled by masked scents. Metal detectors are sensitive to metal mines and firing pins but cannot reliably find plastic mines. Infrared detectors effectively detect recently placed mines, but they are expensive and limited to certain temperature conditions. Thermal neutron activation detectors are accurate but are large for field use, slow, and expensive. The manual demining process is a very slow, expensive and dangerous practice.
Landmine clearance is made even more difficult by an almost complete disregard for the stipulated mapping and recording of minefields. While the CCW requires the mapping of "preplanned" minefields, the term "preplanned" is not defined. Even if it were - given the few instances of minefields mapping and recording in the majority of conflicts of the past several decades - the provision would probably not be followed (Jody). Although Nepal Army claims to have records and mappings of the landmines, I have doubts on their claims. Nepal is not yet a party to any of the international conventions and treaties on landmines, therefore, violations of these provisions are considered as ‘no crime’, which is ridiculous. It is already late that Nepal makes laws and policy in compliant to the international treaties and conventions.

Strategy and Actions

On 26 May 2006, the government of Nepal and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) agreed to a bilateral cease-fire and a Code of Conduct that includes non-use of landmines. In our context, even after this agreement, no genuine, sincere and honest attempts have been exhibited by the state to take care of the mines and IEDs; in other words no sensitive responses shown towards human rights and security. Nepal does not have a formal program for dealing with mines and ERW. The RNA’s 14th Brigade, based in Kathmandu, has an explosive ordnance disposal (EOD) unit using equipment and training provided by the UK. The Armed Police Force also has one EOD team in Kathmandu. Media reported operations by security forces to clear mines and other explosives in 21 districts during 2005.Official results of such operations were not available. The RNA’s EOD capacity comprises a holding unit in the capital and six bomb disposal teams, usually of six people each, deployed at each of the six regional divisional headquarters(ICBL).
The army’s EOD squad has the capacity to deal with the full range of explosive devices used by insurgents, but can be severely stretched by post-engagement clearance requirements. It does not have sufficient resources to undertake either survey or clearance operations addressing the needs of rural communities. The RNA’s strategic priorities were to keep Nepal’s roads and telecommunications infrastructure functioning, leaving little or no spare capacity to address wider social needs for clearance while the conflict continued(ICBL). The Nepal army lacks capability to cope effectively and urgently with the landmines and UXOs. So, Nepal needs to build capability to cope with these urgent issues.
Strengthening accountability is a fundamental objective for achieving effective service delivery. Accountability in security and justice sector reform is often conceived as primarily focusing on human rights, holding providers accountable for abuses and strengthening rights protection. Any mine action programme in Nepal will need to build upon the existing outreach and other programmes of the working group partners and other organizations. The partners in the Mine Risk Education Working Group (MREWG) agreed during formulating their draft strategy that it would not be useful or effective to create programming independently, in parallel or in isolation from current initiatives. Partners believe that mine action programming needs should be integrated with existing activities. Both the causes and the effects of the landmine crisis need to be addressed. The efforts need to include halting mine laying, production and stockpiling, clearing mined areas and helping landmine survivors. In this respect the ICBL recommends the following actions to be taken:
Remove mines from the ground;
Ensure that minefields are fenced off and marked and that communities receive education about mine risks;
Destroy mines in stockpiles;
Meet the needs of mine victims -- from emergency medical care and rehabilitation to programmes for socio-economic reintegration and recognised rights for people with disabilities;
Ensure that all countries joins the Mine Ban Treaty and undertake to never again produce, use or sell antipersonnel mines;
Make sure that once a State joins, it fully implements the Mine Ban Treaty e.g. by submitting transparency reports, meeting deadlines for stockpile destruction and mine clearance, and assisting the victims of landmines;
Ensure that countries outside of the Mine Ban Treaty abide by the spirit of the agreement and refrain from use, production and stockpiling of the weapon;
Persuade non state actors to ban landmines and abide by the spirit of the treaty; and
Condemn any use or production by a state or non-state actor.

In fragile states, there is often an urgent need to establish a basic sense of order. Only after order has been achieved can the wider issues of safety and security be addressed. This continuum from disorder to order to safety and security is the essential starting point for justice and security delivery in fragile states. Cessation of ‘war’ is no ‘peace’. Sometime it is easier to win the war than maintain order and peace. We need to castigate the culprits-who so ever and for whatever reasons they used landmines and IEDs-to control the recurrence of such activities in future. If we do not punish the offenders today, they will repeat the same thing over repeatedly. We must campaign for ‘Zero Tolerance’ against the impunity.
The culture of societies influences the social behavior. Nepali societies are based on the moral and cultural values. Quite often, the victims of violence and crimes do not get proper treatment and support from their near and dear ones. It surprisingly saddened many participants (in one of the seminars) to hear one of the victims of land mines speak of her experiences of victimhood. She had lost one of her legs in the mine blast. She has incurred physical loss, at the same time her family was not supportive. The family members look her as an extra economic liability. There ought to be thousands of other victims who are facing similar types of problems. The victims of violence—especially sexual violence—are isolated, discriminated, insulted, and ‘socially excluded’. The family members take these victims as ‘extra burden’ a matter of shame and disgrace. If we really want to do some justice to these victims, we should offer them love, support, motivation, and opportunity rather than re-victimize them through stigma and ‘social exclusion’.

References:

ICBL Reports; http://www.icbl.org/lm/2006/nepal.html#fn2
Jody Williams, ICRC URL: http://www.icrc.org/web/eng/siteeng0.nsf/html/57JMM9
Mine Ban Treaty, 1997
NCBL. http://www.landminesnepal.org/
Stephen Goose, "The Economics of Landmines", article for UNIDIR Newsletter, published in early 1995, citing US Army Foreign Science and Technology Center, US Defense Intelligence Agency, et al, Landmine Warfare - Mines and Engineer Munitions in Southern Africa, May 1993
RAONLINE.http://www.raonline.ch/pages/story/np/mao15b0703.html
UN Report. http://www.un.org/av/photo/subjects/mines.htm
Kevin Clements, Towards a Sociology of Security, 1990, Conflict Research Consortium, Working paper 90-4, July 1990, University of Colorado, Boulder
Wæver, Ole. 1995. Securitization and Desecuritization. In On Security, edited by Ronnie D. Lipschutz. New York: Columbia University Press.
Kanji, Omartio, Security, http://www.beyondcontractibility.org/essay/security/accessed on 18 Nov. 2007

[1] Dr. Thapa is a retired Additional Inspector General of Police. Currently he chairs the Centre for Security and Justice Studies, Nepal. He is a Research Fellow of SIRF/SNV Nepal. He is also Faculty and coordinator of Post Graduate Diploma in Security Management(PGDSM) course program in Kathmandu University, School of Management. He can be reached at dibrung@wlink.com.np
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 4:41 PM 0 comments

Community policing in Nepal
Community Policing: Lessons from Nepal
Dr. Govind Prasad Thapa[1]

Background

Crime is a complex issue. With the advancement of science and technology, urbanization, and the growth of population, it has become more untamable. To combat these, law making is not the only solution; rather it is the beginning of our efforts. The real success lies in the proper enforcement of these laws. Police are the instruments of State to enforce laws. They are the prime agencies tasked with ensuring security and maintaining law and order in the country. The police are tasked to carry out few major functions. The fundamental tasks of police are protection of life and property; prevention and detection of crime; maintenance of public law and order; and provision of assistance to the public. "The State is responsible for ensuring a minimum level of order and the police are one of several State entities tasked with giving effect to this obligation…an important precondition for adequately evaluating police practice is a full understanding of the background against which police operate-including all aspects of the broader security and criminal justice systems."[2] Today the State is expected to protect the economic, cultural, legal, social, and political rights of the citizen also.
Policing is a dynamic process. The objectives of policing are similar throughout the world; however the policing styles are different. There are several policng philosophies and approaches in use in the world. Some of them are--crisis policing, authoritarian policing, community policing, problem oriented policing, and information/intelligence led policing.[3] Nevertheless, none of these approaches are foolproof and so there is no room to be complacent in any of these current systems.
Authoritarian policing usually aligns itself with authoritarian systems. Police are inclined to act unilaterally and do whatever they consider best. The focus tends to be on controlling the population, rather than seeking a partnership. "Authoritarian policing always goes together with centralised systems where rank-and-file officers have little discretion on how to spend their days and local managers have little say in how to spend their resources…under these policing systems, human rights tend to be considered as an additional burden that place limits on the police…authoritarian policing, being so unresponsive to the public, is seriously hampered by a lack of contact between police and public and thus by access to information."[4]
Nepal has the legacy of regimental policing. The reformation of the present police, which took place in 1951/52, was the result of the amalgamation of militias, Rakshya Dal, Janamukti Sena, and the insurgents who took up arms against the hundred and four years of tyrannous Rana regime. Many freedom fighters, amongst them, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, Pahal Singh Lama, and Rom Bahadur Thapa joined police. Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba joined police with the rank of Major, who, later on, was promoted to the rank of Inspector General of Nepal police. Many others also occupied key positions in the police in the subsequent years. For that reason, the very foundation of the police was based upon the revolutionary and military mindset and culture. The duty of the police of that time was to support the political regime or the particular governments. The services to the people were of the least priority. The police basically misinterpreted their mission and "ruled" the people.
Contrary to this, the community policing is based upon the concept of partnership, for the purpose of increasing democratic, proactive, modern, and participative nature of the police. Thus, the model of community policing develops a feeling of shared ownership among people and helps to promote mutual trust and cooperation between police and people. As a result, this approach is more sustainable in comparison to other traditional way of policing.

Community Policing

Police need people's support for policing crimes. The core elements of community policing are the cosultation with people, get unanimous consent on developing strategies and plans, gather cooperation to implementation, and ensure proper coordination among the partners. It is a strategy of strenghening the capacity of the police and community to jointly combat crimes. It is a new style of policing. This philosophy of modern policing calls for client oriented, community based, and proactive policing. In a nustshell, the community policing is designed to make crime control a collaborative effort or multi-disciplinary approach. The basic characteristics of community policing are--it is more democratic, proactive, modern, and participative in nature. It is based upon the concept of partnership between community and police. This approach of policing builds and promotes mutual trust and cooperation between police and people.
The community-police partnership develops ownership among people and thus tries to solve the problem by involving people at local level. Effective community policing has a positive impact on reducing neighborhood crime, helping to reduce fear of crime and enhancing the quality of life in the community. It accomplishes these things by combining the efforts and resources of the police, local government and community members. It is a style of policing where every one is a part of the system and shares the benefit of working together. It increases the understanding among the community members and police. Community policing approaches differs from country to country, society to society, and from community to community. Community policing is commonly understood as being a strategy which encourages law enforcement agencies to work in partnership with society. In other words, the local communities are involved in the policing of local problems relating to crime and security.
Sir Robert Peel, the founder of the Metropolitan Police in London, who saw the role of the new police in 1829 has best explained the importance of community policing:
"to maintain at all times a relationship with the public that gives reality to the historic tradition that the police are the public and that the public are the police. The police being only members of the public that are paid to give full time attention to duties which are incumbent on every citizen in the interests of community welfare and existence."[5]

What Makes Community Policing Different?
Law enforcement has long recognized the need for cooperation with the community it serves. Officers speak to neighbourhoods groups, participate in business and civic events, consult with social agencies and take part in education programs for school children. Foot, bike and horse patrols bring police closer to the community.
More Effective Ways to Solve Ongoing Problems
Law enforcement leaders seeking innovative ways to enhance performance and maximize resources have struck a responsive chord across the nation with a variety of community policing initiatives. Government and community leaders are increasingly cognizant that they must accept a share of the responsibility for problems caused by lapses in many areas of society. Police have long borne a disproportionate share of this burden.
Renewed Emphasis on Crime Prevention
Law enforcement is looking to enhance its tough stance on crime with renewed focus on strategies that help prevent crime, reduce fear of crime and improve the quality of life in neighborhoods. This requires an intimate knowledge of the community. Policing concepts currently in vogue have tended to isolate officers from the communities they serve which can hamper crime-control efforts. Community policing allows law enforcement to get back to the principles upon which it was founded, to integrate itself once again into the fabric of the community so that the people come to the police for counsel and help before a serious problem arises, not after the fact.
Community Policing in Nepal

The Chhimeki Prahari system of policing was first established in early 1982. This system was an adoption of Singapore’s Neighbourhood Police Post (NPP). Numbers of police booths were established in the Kathmandu valley. The mandate for this Chhimeki Prahari was to patrol the areas and collect public grievances and demands—needs of all kinds. I remember myself going around the city corner—house-to-house—asking and taking records of local people’s needs and complaints as part of the public consultations. These demands and complaints were wide ranging in nature—from family matters to road, drinking water, telephone, street lights, sewerage, theft cases, gangsters, drugs, etc. These records were then reported back to the police headquarters. Understandably, only very few complaints were attempted. Rest of the complaints were forgotten and never addressed. So, both-people and police-lost interest in this police program. Nepal Police failed to effectively collaborate with people, governmental and non-governmental organisations. Therefore it did not sustain for long time.
Once again, after the peoples' democratic revolution, on 14 January 1994, a community police centre was established in Maharajgunj of Kathmandu as an NGO with the cooperation of local community. Similar types of police centres were also established in Chabahil and Baneswor of Kathmandu district as pilot projects. As of now, there are more than one hundred such community centres established in Nepal. These centres have different names: Community Service Forums; Community Service Society; Community Development Centre; Public Service Centre; Community Police Service Centre; Community Police Service Forums; Community Service Committee; Multipurpose Community Service Centres; Community Development Cooperative Forum etc. Almost all of these centres engage in a number of activities in addition to policing crime.
Through these centres, the police are able to participate in local development, women literacy, community health, child care, environmental preservation, health services, youth activities, and many other welfare programmes. This makes the Nepal's community police system quite different to that of Singapore’ Neighbourhood Police Post and Japan’s Coban system. This community policing approach has however, not been accepted as a credible style of policing by all. There are doubts amongst many police officers about the practicability of this approach. This is largely because they have failed to realize that it is possible to be a friend while simultaneously doing an effective police job.
The involvement of police in community partnership-based police projects is a powerful weapon in projecting a positive image. For this purpose, the police officers involved should be equipped with the appropriate skills and also take account of effective problem solving strategies. The Nepali community members have experienced that the police who work with communities are generally found to be more sensitive, reasonable, polite, cooperative, friendly, and helpful than those working in other police stations. They feel that those police officers who are responsible for community policing affairs would make a greater impression if they were based within that community. With the views to encourage these community police officers, the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development (DfID) Police Development Project has helped Nepal Police to develop an evaluation system and award ‘Community Police Person’ of the year since 2004.

Post conflict society and community policing

During the conflict, the Maoists were very suspicious of the involvement of the community members with the community centres. As community police centres proved to be very popular, Maoists increasingly perceived them to be threats to their interests. It was suspected that these centres were being used by the police to gather information from local sources. Consequently, the Maoists began to threaten all those associated with community centres policing and attack the centres. The Tikhedewal Community Development Centre in Lalitpur, for example, was bombed killing one Assistant Sub Inspector. They also attacked and killed one Sub Inspector in Baudha Community Police Centre in Kathmandu. In spite of this, the majority of all local community police centres continued to function. Since the agreement for the ceasefire and the conclusive talks between the Maoists and the government, these repressive attacks have stopped. Local communities are therefore again allowed to freely join community police programs throughout the country.
Nepal is a multi ethnic, multi religious, multicultural and multi lingual nation. Despite of this fact, the social and political justice systems are not equitable. Many victims, mostly those belonging to the socially marginalised groups, struggle to gain easy access to justice. The community policing strategy will not only empower local communities, but also address problems of social and political injustice justice. This will, in turn, promote greater inclusion of local people into the regular police force and foster feelings of ownership. This will help promote the community based policing system sustainable in the long run and ultimately strengthen democracy in the country. This programme will have greater positive impacts on the maintenance of law and order in the days to come in Nepal.

Community policing in Nepal: Needs for reforms

In Nepal, the establishment of community service centres and/or community policing project usually starts with the identification of a community’s security needs. This is done through consultation with members of the community. At this stage the community members list down all their needs, including those other than security. The police and community members then reach agreement on a business agenda and a modus operandi. This requires that the police be willing to participate in activities other than those required for the ‘business’ of law enforcement, so as to retain a strong group dynamic. Therefore, there are at least four stages in establishing a community police centre — consultation, consent, cooperation and coordination.
Successful community policing needs an organisational strategy that ensures everyone translates this philosophy into practice. It requires major changes to be incorporated into the policing system, particularly in regard to allowing frontline officers to be provided with greater autonomy, access to resources (which should be mobilised at the point of service), and an ability to focus on local problems. It also requires that the local problems identified are insightful to all groups in society – especially those people that are particularly disadvantaged or vulnerable.

The needs for public service oriented police services are at least reflected in one of the Police Mirrors, an annual magazine of Nepal police. It reads:

It has been our professional belief that the police service may not be considered police service in a real sense in the absence of a proper response to the grievances and problems of the sovereign Nepali people, prompt necessary action and adequate counselling and direction. In the light of this truth it has been highly essential for us to establish ourselves as the public service oriented, capable and efficient police in all respects through our conduct and to follow the working style of democratic police in the existing democratic system in the country.[6]

The above message is worth highlighting. In the past, the actions of the police have been exploited more for the protection of the government than serve the interests of the people. To date, all that has been done in the sector of community policing is the result of combined efforts by both communities and the police. The State, as of yet, does not recognise CBP as an effective method of enforcing law and order. As a consequence, this method has not been incorporated into the national plan. This shows a lack of long term vision, and a failure to create a uniform national strategic operational plan, management policy, direction, and coordination mechanism for present and future community policing projects.
These failures are closely tied up to the attitudes and interests of high ranking police officers from central level offices towards CBP. A Study Committee of Nepal police (1997) in a review of community policing programmes documented that the CBP could not be very successful for a number of reasons: First, there is a lack of interest and confidence among high ranking police officers; Second, there are no policy guidelines and clear cut mandates; Third, there are no operation plans; Fourth, the police do not possess the required level of knowledge and skills to run CBP schemes; Fifth, these programs lack resources, both, human and material; Sixth, there is a lack of accountability on the part of police to the community. Seventh, there are no follow-up programs to review, evaluate and redesign the CBP schemes in the country.
In order to improve the effectiveness of the community policing programs in Nepal, there are number of steps that need to be taken. Some of them are:[7]

Demonstrating effective leadership
Leadership is required at all levels within different institutions, for example, at national, regional, zonal, district and municipality, both within police and government structures; and also within communities where CBP is to be implemented.
Understanding the local context
Ensuring that the implementation of a community police program fosters cooperation and harmony in the community by bringing people together from different groups to address local and common problems of security.
Enabling access to justice
CBP is an integral part of the broader criminal justice and security sectors, necessitating a corporate, coherent and mutually reinforcing approach to all the elements in this sector.
Improving quality of service
CBP sees policing as a professional service to the public that responds to community needs. Quality of service consists of a number of different issues, for example, capacity, resources, training, facilities, equipment etc.; but above all an attitude on the part of the service provider that "quality matters".
Ensuring ownership
It is crucial to sustain a CBP programme over a long time. The programme must therefore, be owned by all levels and ranks within the police and at all levels within a community. The best way to ensure public ownership will be to enrol local people from the target community into the regular police and deploy them in their localities. This will reduce the cost and increase the capacity of police intelligence.
Recognise it as a national agenda
It is essential that the national agenda recognise that CBP is going to help address the problems of exclusion and marginalisation felt by many groups in society; and consequently improve security and justice delivery.
Institutionalise the program
The community based policing program has to be supported by national laws and policy. Police Acts must be reformed in accordance with these ideals.
Ensuring police accountability
Police should be accountable to the community so as to ensure professionalism, respect for human rights and limit police abuse. This practice in turn, will increase trust between the police and a community.
Tackling corruption
Police corruption undermines public trust and confidence in the police, de-motivates champions for change and diverts valuable funds from where they are most needed. The CBP program will help control police corruption.
Enhancing co-ordination and coherence
Duplication or contradictory reform efforts cause confusion, waste resources and can destroy or limit the will to undertake a community based policing program. Therefore, co-ordination and coherence are important within new initiatives (e.g. a broader justice and security sector reform) and between institutions working in the same area at national or international levels.
Capacity building – Training/Resources
It is important that training be provided, to the police, on the philosophy and practical implementation of CBP. Communities should also be provided with appropriate training support so as to ensure the sustainability of the programmes' desired goals. Sufficient resources are required so that CBP programmes can be promoted as a priority.

Conclusion

Community Based Policing (CBP) is both a philosophy and strategy that allows the police and community to work closely together in new ways to solve problems of crime, fear of crime, physical and social disorder and other neighbourhood problems. CBP aims to empower communities to solve their own security problems. This scheme breaks the tradition of top-down approaches to management and promotes a bottom-up approach. CBP relies more on the devotion, motivation, commitment, skill, knowledge, professionalism of the police officer at the field level rather than the rank and file of the department. Despite the numerous benefits of CBP schemes, it is not being fully utilised in Nepal. The reasons behind this include the continued prominence of more traditional attitudes towards policing. With the passage of time, it is crucial that we review the existing methods of policing and redesign a more people friendly policing system in Nepal.

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---------------------, Police Mirror, Vol. X, 1997: Nepal Police, Kathmandu, Nepal
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--------------------,Hand-book on Justice for Victims, UNODCCP, 1999
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Criminal Justice in Japan, Asia and Far East Institute for the Prevention of crime and the Treatment of Offenders (UNAFEI), 2000
-----------------,"Policing with the Community in Northern Ireland", Police Service of Northern Ireland, 2000
Hesta Groenewald and Gordon Peake, 2004: "Police Reform through Community-Based Policing", International Peace Academy, New York
Wesley G. Skogan, 2005: "Community Policing" (Working Paper 30), to appear in: Prospects and Problems in an Era of Police Innovation: Contrasting Perspectives, edited by David Weisburd and Anthony A. Braga, Cambridge University Press, 2005
Dr. Govind Prasad Thapa, “The Counteractive Management against Human Trafficking in Nepal: The Law and its Enforcement”, 2002, PhD Thesis, (Unpublished)
Dr. Govind Prasad Thapa, “Rape Survivors: Psychosocial Problems and Investigation in Southern Asia”, chapter in Medical, Legal and Social Science Aspects of Child Sexual Exploitation, GW Publishing, USA, 2005
Research Report on Silent Suffering: Child Sexual Abuse in the Kathmandu Valley, Children's Perspectives, CWIN & Save the Children-Norway, 2003, Kathmandu, Nepalp, p.86
Deuba, Arzu Rana, Pinky S. Rana, 2001, A study on the Psycho-Social impacts of Violence Against Women and Girls with special focus on Rape, Incest and Polygamy, SAATHI, Kathmandu, Nepal
The Sexual Harassment upon the School Going Girls Children of Kathmandu Valley, Child Workers in Nepal Concerned Centre (CWIN) and Save the Children-Norway, Nepal (SCNN), 2003,
The Trial Court System in Nepal with Special Reference to Women's Accessibility to the Criminal Justice System of Nepal, CeLLRd, 2002
Narayan Belbase and Sucheta Pyakurel, Study of Gender and Judges, 1999
Baseline Survey on Criminal Justice System of Nepal, CeLLRd, 2002
What Do Victims Want?: Effective Strategies to Achieve Justice for Victims of Crime, IACP, 2000
--------------- Nepal's Penal System: An Agenda for Change, Centre for Victims of Torture, 2001
…………………, Analysis and Reform of the Criminal Justice Systems in Nepal, Center for Legal Research and Resource Development, Kathmandu, 1999, p. 118
Hawai County Community Policing: http://www.hawaiipolice.com/topPages/cpo.html#homeInvasion
Policing: http://www.policing.com/
Los Angeles Community Policing: http://www.lacp.org/
Community Policing-City of Pacific Grove: http://www.ci.pg.ca.us/police/compolicing.htm
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation: http://www.csvr.org.za/papers/papdux2.htm
Singapore Police Force: http://www.spf.gov.sg/
National Police Agency Japan: http://www.npa.go.jp/
Nepal Police: http://www.nepalpolice.gov.np

[1] Dr. Thapa is a retired Additional Inspector General of Nepal police. Currently he is the Chairperson of Centre for Security and Justice Studies, Nepal. He can be reached at dibrung@wlink.com.np
[2] Anneke Osse, Understanding Policing, Amnesty International Nederland, 2006, p. 55
[3] Ibid, pp.79-108
[4] Ibid

[5] As quoted in Philosophies and Principles of Community-based Policing, SEESAC, p. 2, 2003
[6] Police Mirror, Vol X, pp. 21-24, 1997, Nepal Police Headquarters, Kathmandu
[7] Adapted from Philosophies and Principles of Community-based Policing, SEESAC, 2003
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 4:39 PM 0 comments

Policing Violence against Children: Our Experiences[1]
Dr. Govind P. Thapa[2]

Introduction

Children are considered as precious gift of nature to humanity. They are the future of the world and real successor of next generation. In the absence of children, we cannot imagine the future of the world. Not only human beings but also all creatures go through the stage of childhood and it is considered as a best period of life. However, not all children enjoy their childhood. These children have to struggle for their survival-—for some--even before their birth. The early detection of the sex of the girl children has jeopardized their life because many parents abort them finding that they are girls not boys. Even those who are born, face the risk of being snuffed at the early stage of their life. Many unlucky children, later in their early childhood, are more likely to be abandoned, beaten, terrorized and sexually abused, and even killed.

Violence against children is certainly not new phenomenon in our society. Millions of children throughout the world fall victims of violence. They suffer from the agony of various forms of violence. Despite of national and international publicity and scrutiny against the violence against children, many children suffer from abduction, sexual abuse, trafficking and exploitation. In addition to these forms of violence, the definition of 'violence' to children varies from country to country and culture to culture. Different countries have differing levels of 'legal' violence to children, characterizing such violence as forms of allowable punishment. Only a few countries prohibit all types of violent punishment of children.

Forms of violence

Child abuse is incorporated in provincial, community or in society where evil traditions are practiced. In Nepal, the condition of children is in a deprived state. Most of the children are at different level of risk and some of their future is completely at abyss. Children in Nepal are underdeveloped in every division due to poverty, illiteracy, traditional creed, and social environment. They are deprived of education and implied to work as labor. The abuses of children for the commercial exploitation are a very old phenomenon, which is as old as the profession of prostitution. Some of them are discarded from the family and some others are forced to involve in prostitution. The deserted ones are forced to live in street as a street child and there are lots of example of involvement in crime and exploitation of those children by the hand of hardcore criminals.

Violence against children manifests itself in a number of forms. Children are recruited, encouraged, entrapped and forced into sexual slavery, prostitution, pornography, and sex tourism. They are 'sold' under the cover of inter-country adoptions, for organ transplants, exploited for their labor, and instrumentally used in criminal activities, such as selling drugs, robbery, burglary and petty theft. However, the exact scope of the problem is not known as it has been only in the last few decades that the prevalence of deliberate physical and mental violence to children by parents and others has begun to be widely acknowledged and documented.

The forms of violence against children are numerous. Some of them can be listed as under:

Family violence;
Beating in schools;
Child labor;
Abduction;
Abandonment;
Murder;
Rape and sexual abuse;
Child marriages;
Exploiting children for begging and other forms of hazardous labor;
Trafficking children for camel jockeying and other sexual exploitation;
Abusing them in political demonstrations/riots;
Children used in conflicts as child soldiers;
· Children sold for organ transplants;
· Children given-away for international adoption;
· Children used in criminal activities etc.]

In this paper I will be discussing on the responses of police to the grievous of all the violence—sexual violence—against children.

Current situation of sexual violence

Amongst all forms of the violence against children, the sexual abuse is the moist horrible and inhuman. Child abuse is the illegal sex acts performed against a minor by an elder person for their sexual satisfaction, who is in possession of trust or power. Children are very vulnerable and are not mature enough to protect themselves from sexual exploitation. They are physically and mentally immature and they are easily targeted. Child sexual abuse is one of the chief factors which give them psychological trauma. Child abuse and their sexual exploitation are the serious nature crime targeted towards children.

The world, already into the third millennium, is on the threshold of a new era. To its credits, there have already been some stunning advances that have touched the lives of the people. Yet, in spite of great human progress, the absolute number of children affected by sexual crime is staggering. It is a widespread phenomenon in both the developed and developing countries. Every country has fallen prey to sexual abuse of children. No country in the world is free of this indignity and immorality. Children’s from all over the world are victims of sexual exploitation. In the context of Nepal, sexual crime against children is an up-going trend in the crime-charts of Nepal.[3] All over Nepal, many children are at risk of sexual exploitation because of a flourishing local sex trade. The reports of STOP/Maiti and ILO reveal that around five to twelve thousand women and children are trafficked annually from Nepal and 72% of them are children below 18 years of age.[4] Children working at various places such as domestic households, carpet-factories, hotels, construction-sites, pubs, and street children are also becoming victims of sexual abuse and exploitation. Almost 60% of survivors of child sex abuse and rape are girls below 18 years.[5]

Today, tourism promotion is considered a part of economic development. However, in some countries, tourism appears to be directly connected with the presence of extensive sex industries. Though exact figures are not available, the growth of tourism has been found as a contributing factor to the growth of sexual exploitation of children. It is an intolerable form of exploitation for the purpose of sex—sex-tourism—has found its way into the tourism market. Some of the investigations have disclosed that tourism is using pre-pubertal children for sexual purposes for generating income in a most organized, deceptive, lucrative, and expeditious manner. The paedophiles from the foreign countries are taking advantage of lax of effective law enforcement system of Nepal. This was evident from the past cases of paedophiles escaping punishment and instead of that enjoying impunity. It was then discovered that large international networks of paedophiles were visiting and often living permanently in Nepal. For cover-up, most of them have opened 'orphanages' and 'street shelter' for poor and neglected children. They are active under these 'canopy' of protection.

Negative impacts of sexual violence

The permanent psychological trauma inflicted by sexual abuse and their exploitation is the most widespread negative impacts.[6] The sexual exploitation of children endangers their mental and physical health and impairs all aspects of their development. The result of the abuse and exploitation is damaging. Sexually abusive acts involving children is a licentious and antisocial acts that occur due to socio-legal flaws. These acts not only damage the children emotionally but also affect the whole society and family.

The following impact occurs due to child abuse and sexual exploitation:

· It has been observed that family of the victim is usually ostracized by the whole society; Family is outcast from the community;
· Child abuse and their exploitation can deteriorate the dignity of whole society;
· Child abuse and their exploitation can disrupt the social fabrics. Confrontation, conflict and hostility can take place in community;
· The physical and psychological/mental damage is conceived;
· The child develops hatred towards sex;
· Hatred towards male.

In fact, the sexual abuse shatters the mental fibre of the child.

Child victim and criminal justice system: some flaws and remedies

The national and international community has responded to the increased awareness and public scrutiny with the development of standards and norms prohibiting violence to children and establishing a framework of principles and standards to respond to victimized children and children as perpetrators. International norms prohibiting some forms of violence against children, such as trafficking for the purposes of prostitution, date back to the beginning of this century. Yet, it has been only in the past decade that this issue has become a priority within various United Nations entities. The adoption of the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1989 provides a clear statement prohibiting all forms of violence against children, reaffirming previous human rights instruments. Within the United Nations Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice, attention is paid to the development of concrete criminal justice standards and strategies that address children’s roles within the criminal justice system, as both victims and perpetrators.

Victimized children have various experiences with the national criminal justice systems. For many, the criminal justice system does not exist at all. Some of the laws are often erroneous. In terms of combating violence against children, there often exist gaps and ambiguities in the laws criminalizing violence to children. Laws tend to be piecemeal, focusing on specific forms of violence rather than dealing comprehensively with all forms of violence to children. When the law is in place, there is often weak law enforcement. This can lead to victim apathy, distrust, and avoidance of the system. At this juncture the victims of sexual assaults need the following legal assistance:
1. assistance to report the crime to the police;
2. assistance to explain the crimes to the police and to ensure that the police consider their problems seriously;
3. assistance to take the crime from the police to the prosecutor;
4. assistance to help the prosecutor vigorously prosecute offenders;
5. assistance to help the court deal with the case efficiently;
6. assistance to ensure the judge treat cases of violence with care.[7]

Children as victims and witnesses in criminal matters are often seen as unreliable witnesses who frequently lead to their complaints or requests for help being disbelieved or ignored. Child victims of sexual abuse or exploitation often endure rough and probing police investigation followed by cross-examination by the accuser’s lawyer and judge in court. Most children are too intimidated by the insensitive, lengthy and public process to take the case to trial.[8] The legal framework in many societies remains defined by adult male perceptions and male standards, often resulting in a criminal justice system that is callous and insensitive to the needs of children in general and the girl child in particular.

Victimized children may be treated as perpetrators of crime in certain circumstances. The danger is enhanced when children have been instrumentally used in criminal activities. In most countries, authorities have pick up trafficked and sexually exploited children. These children end up in a justice system geared to adults. Authorities treat these children as criminals rather than victims. In certain situations, such as trafficking in children, corruption among police and other enforcement officials is cited as a major obstacle. Some child victims of trafficking report that they are transported by or with police in uniform, armed and often in police cars across borders and to brothels.[9] Once in brothels, victims report extensive police usage of brothels free. Some police are blamed for 'keeping' the brothels under their protection. In some other situations, such as sex tourism, a concern exists over the high level of State involvement and complicity. Some suggest that this complicity may be due to the reluctance of some States to restrict the promotion of tourism in general.[10]

The plight of the street children of Nepal is very pathetic. Even the police maltreat and terrorize them. Quite often, the 'clean up city-street' campaigns have been conducted to round up alleged street children and send them to closed camps, without due process measures. Trafficked children trafficked across borders have also been treated like criminals in the countries of destination as illegal immigrants or as prostitutes. Most of these are subjected to arrest, detention and deportation. The authorities take and place them in 'education camps' or transported to 'rehabilitation centers' without due legal process and humane consideration. Even Nepal does not have a law to protect immigrant victims of trafficking. Back in their own country also, they are prosecuted as criminals or are refused re-entry. Some of the draconian policies and practices in many countries deter children from reporting violence to authorities. The failure to distinguish these children as victims from perpetrators is a significant drawback to the implementation of UN standards and other minimum standards rules recommended by international community.

Policing violence against children
With the growing concern of the international community to the violence against children, a framework of international human rights instruments and UN mechanisms have been developed to respond to this problem. Somewhat piecemeal, these norms cover a wide range of the manifestations of violence against children. Setting standards is a first step, and while it is an important and necessary one, it is not enough—rather the beginning. Despite significant strides in international law, many sexual violence crimes go unpunished because of flawed investigations and prosecutions.[11] There must be effective implementation at the national, regional and international levels.
The traditional assumption that parents and adults have authority over children due to their dependent nature increases the child’s vulnerability. Despite the growing recognition of children’s rights as human rights, children continue to be seen as property on the part of adults who treat them as though they were inanimate objects, to sell, buy, exploit or to get rid of. The low status of children is reflected in the fact that only a handful of countries have adopted laws to give children the same protection those adults enjoy from physical assault. In many countries, including Nepal, violent punishment, including beatings, remain 'common' and 'sanctioned' by community.[12]

National criminal justice systems are involved in responding to violence against children. However, there are needs for reforms in this sector. The criminal justice systems is expected to become even more effective tools in denouncing, preventing and responding to incidents of violence against children. At the very least, measures must be taken to ensure that crime prevention and criminal justice practices are themselves not contributing to the re-victimization of children, whether the children are victims or perpetrators. It is imperative to ensure that national systems are made more effective for combating violence against children and avoiding re-victimization of the child.

There is a growing voice that the present criminal justice system has failed in delivering justice to the victims—victims of any kind. The meaning of 'justice' is different to the victims. The adversarial justice system has not been able to address the needs, interests, and rights of victims. Even if the offenders are punished, the victims remain unjustified. Very often, the victims find that their own family members and the society blame them and socially exclude them. Therefore, there are strong resentment and dissatisfaction with the current justice system and seek for restorative justice system.

Nepal Police have a significant role in preventing and investigating crimes against women and children. It is a matter of pride for the police that it has already shown great concerns in this regard.[13] It has operated and extended its activities to several district by establishing Women and Children Service Centers and launching various programs. Nepal police have pioneering credit for establishing these centers.[14] However, coping with this problem cannot be the sole responsibility of any single agency. Despite of having many plans, strategies, policies and laws, and institutions—that have failed to address the problems—there are needs for reviewing and restructuring the whole system and developing a more integrated and comprehensive plans and implementing mechanism. There are needs for defining the specific roles and responsibilities of various governmental and non-governmental organizations, media, and community at large.

Conclusion

Amongst many forms of abuses, the gravest of them is the sexual abuse. Very large numbers of children are abused for commercial sexual purposed every year, often ending up with their health destroyed. Child sexual abuse—the unspeakable crime so hidden under layers of guilt, shame and societal pressure—goes undetected and unpunished, while its victims live with the torment all their lives. Prostituted children are raped; beaten; sodomized; emotionally abused; tortured; and even killed by pimps, brothel owners, and customers. The law enforcing authority treats these child prostitutes as criminals rather than the victims of sexual exploitation.

In some cases, police demand sexual services from the street children, threatening them with arrest if they do not comply. In detention and correctional homes, not only staffs but also other inmates sexually abuse children. The adult and caretakers exploit children in refugee camps and sometimes, children are forced to sell their bodies for food. Employers of children assault or rape them frequently. Staff members or other senior children may abuse children in orphanages. In conflict areas, abductions and kidnappings of children take place for the purpose of either to serve as child soldiers and as sexual servants for adult soldiers, and for handsome ransoms.

We have failed to work out the administration and management of this problem in effective way in Nepal. We need to form and divide the responsibilities among different agencies and organizations. We require separate bodies to take care of the prevention, the containment or crime control, and protection and reintegration aspects of the problem. In this respect, one of the best approaches is the prevention and control through community partnership.[15] The active participation of local community and non-governmental agencies will help reduce and solve this problem. This envisages for the role of the state government to be steering rather than delivering services.

[1] Revised version of the original paper presented in a Seminar on Policing Violence against Children, 23 Nov. 2007, Kathmandu, Nepal
[2] Dr Thapa is a retired Additional IGP of Nepal police. Currently he is associated to Kathmandu University for PG Diploma in Security Management course. He also chairs the Centre for Security and Justice Studies. The writer is indebted to the comments and suggestions on the original paper, which were helpful. He can be reached at dibrung@wlink.com.np
[3] http://www.nepalpolice.gov.np
[4] IIDS and UNIFEM, 2004, Status and Dimension of Trafficking within Nepalese Context, p. 15-18
[5] http://www.cwin.org.np/press_room/factsheet/fact_girls.htm
[6] Bass, Elen and Davis, Laura, 1993, The Courage to Heal, Cedar

[7] Judicial System Monitoring Programme, Access to justice for women victims, 2004, East Timor, Dilli, 2004, p. 21
[8] SEAFIELD, a CIDA Fund newsletter; article on the International Centre for Criminal Law Reform and Criminal Justice Policy’s project in Thailand.
[9] This is cited in the Report of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, Ms. Radhika Coomaraswamy, UN doc. E/CN.4/1997/47, 12 Feb 1997 and also Human Rights Watch, The Human Rights Watch Global Report on Women’s Human Rights (1995), p. 196.
[10] Ibid
[11] Bos-Hrv-Srp, International Justice Failing Rape Victims, Special Report, Institute for War and Peace Reporting, 5.1.2007
[12] Adelman, M., Edna, E., Nadera, S., 'Policing Violence Against Minority Women in Multicultural Societies: “Community” and the Politics of Exclusion', Police & Society, 2003, Issue No. 7, pp. 103-131, 2003, Israel National Police, The Community And Civil Guard Department
[13] Nepal police have taken initiatives in number of activities in this direction, including publications. For example--Nepal police, Central Woman and Child Service Centre, 2061 BS, Mahila tatha balbalika birudhako apradh: Pidit sahayata tatha anusandhan pustika (Crime against women and children: Victim support and investigation handbook)
[14] National Human Rights Commission, Office of the National Rapporteur on Trafficking in Women and Children, and The Asia Foundation, An assessment of human rights protection mechanism at police woman and children cell in Nepal, 2004
[15] Thapa, Govind P., 'Community Policing: Lessons from Nepal', Policing in Nepal, Saferworld, 2007
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 4:38 PM 0 comments

From my diary

2007-04-29T20:24:00.000-07:00

Sunday, April 29, 2007
This is interesting. May be people can trace out the WWI veteran.
Dear people from the Magar Study Center
My Name is Philip Scheffner. I am a filmmaker from Berlin, Germany.
Right now I am working on a documentary film project with the title "The Halfmoon Files".
In this context I would like to ask you a question - but first I would like to give you some idea about the film project:
The film is trying to find out more about several soldiers who served in the Indian army during WW1 in France and Belgium (Western front)
They were captured by the German troops and have been detained in a POW camp in Wünsdorf, close to Berlin, Germany.
German Scientists recorded their voices on Shellac Records in 1916.
These recordings are still existing in an archive at the Humboldt University, Berlin.
The Film project takes these existing sound recordings as a starting point to collect information about the biographies of the people who are speaking and to search for today living family members and relatives of the soldiers.
So that their voices will not remain “scientific” data in an archive – but testimonies of real people.
People who had a personal history, who had fears and wishes, and a family waiting back home.
A family which – till today - most probably has no idea that there is a sound recording of their great-grandfather existing in a German archive.

One of the soldiers i am looking for was concidered to be a Magar.(so the data of the scientists say)
His name was Bhawan Singh. He was born in Almora and went to the Mission High school.
Later he joined the army in Lansdown (don't know which regiment)
His cast is mentioned as "Pun". It is also said that he belongs to a "good" family -which meant that they must have been relatively wealthy.... The soundfile i have is spoken in the language "Khas". In his text he is speaking about various forms of ghosts.
He is mentioning three different ghosts there: one which is like a rag lying on the street and catching the feet of people passing by. one, which has its eyes in the chest and eating up people. one which is living in the ,mountains with his dog" - also eating up people. Maybe these stories also belong to a mythology of a certain community...
I would like to ask if you have any idea how i could find out more about Bhawan Singh. Maybe you know somebody in Almora who could be helpful or some scientist who is a specialist in Gurkha languages and who could be of any help. I could also send you the soundfile as an mp3 if you want to.
I am planning to go to India in November and try to see if i can find out more....
If you have any ideas or suggestions I would be really thankful!
Thanks a lot for your efforts
with kind regards
philip scheffner
pong
Kröger & Scheffner GbR

Philip Scheffner
Skalitzer Str. 62
10997 Berlin
fon / fax +49-30-61076098
mobile: +49-177-2551966
email:
www.pong-berlin.de

Monday, April 23, 2007
Prisoners and Amnesty
23 April 2007: The convicted prisoners are demanding that they be amnestied and released by the government in the context of new political situation. They are raising their demands after seeing that the Maoists were released after the Jan Andolan, April Revolution. On 22 April, 2007, I had the opportunity to take part in a live radio talk program organized by the FM 102.4 radio on the issue of 'Amnesty to Convicted Prisoners'. My observation was that both parties, the prisoners and the government, should consider that the releases of the Maoists were based upon the political negotiation and agreements between the government and warring party—the Maoists. The Maoists were considered as 'a class of individuals irrespective of individual situation'. This was the result of the political settlement. This does not apply to the other prisoners convicted on charges of social crimes. Hence their demands do not hold grounds. However, both—amnesty and pardon—promote impunity. Therefore, there is demand for punishing the war criminals in Nepal.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 9:30 AM 0 comments

Monday, March 05, 2007
Should we go for Constituent Assembly Election or Nomination?
I had the opportunity of taking part in-group round-table discussions with the members of Election Commission today. The time is running out of our hand for an ideal election and we are standing on slipping sands. What struck with many of us was the possibility of selecting alternatives to the Constituent Assembly election. One of them could be the nomination of members for the CA by various ethnic communities in proportionate to their population. This will avoid number of problems: it will guarantee the representation of all the ethnic community on which they can rely upon; it will reduce the costs; it will save time and energy; it will be more secure; it will be more effective; it will be impartial and free from vote rigging and booth capturing; it will avoid possible human loss and casualties.
I am aware that compromise to a theory has no excuse. This will open new avenues for its legal validity and discontent also. The nomination or selection cannot withstand democratic election. However, there is lot of disenchantment to our democratic elections. It is the pride, love, respect, satisfaction, confidence, trust that keep the nation going forward, not just the democratic process, especially if it serves only few. Let us make our democracy that makes everyone happy, and part of the nation and state in real sense. Let us hope that the people do not lose their faith on democracy repeatedly.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 2:18 PM 1 comments

Sunday, November 05, 2006
Dr. Govind Thapa left US with American Message
NYNT Correspondent
New York, October 31, Americans will have no problem to recognize Maoists as the partner of Democratic force in Nepal if they disarm permanently. Even certain issues of Maoists were appreciated in American eyes including it’s efforts to acquire social justice in Nepal.
These are the findings of Nepali Security expert Dr. Govind Prasad Thapa after his contacts with American Think Tanks Associates in Washington D.C. Dr. Thapa wrapped his weeks long US tour after sharing his expertism on the issues like post conflict situation and the root of violence in the country.
At an Interview with New York Nepali Times before his departure to Nepal, Dr. Thapa said, “signs are going towards right way but they must correct internally to get International Support otherwise International community will never accept them.”
Concerned over the increased violence in Nepal in the name of political problems Dr. Thapa, A Ph.D Holder in Law enforcement said, “To stop violence in Nepal, the Conflict should be stopped because conflict creates the violence which is out of focus to many.’’ He further said that so called Maoist Peoples Army must be separated from the country’s National army because of differences in their nature and objectives.
Asked about what he thinks about the Monarchy?, He said, “ It should be decided by the people.” As the retired additional Inspector General of Police, Mr. Thapa observed the democratic norms within Nepal Police too. He said, “ Within the police force also, there have always been democratic groups but because of their jobs nature, it was just inactive”. He did not hesitate to mention that whole Nepali government service sector runs on ABCD. Which, he means, A for Afanta, B for Bhansun, C for Chakadi and D for Dangdung i.e. who have power.
As the consultant to UN Office of Commissioner for Human Rights for writing and publishing manual on human rights training for law enforcement officials in 2001, Dr. Thapa not only insisted on Human rights issues in Nepal where police has been accused often by democratic political parties for human rights abuse but he, now, also want to see the same thing with Maoists. According to him Maoist must follow basic human rights.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 9:52 PM 1 comments

Thursday, July 27, 2006
Seminar on constituent assembly
Magar Studies Center organized one day seminar on “Constitution Assembly and Restructuring of State” on 22nd July 2006 in Kathmandu. Two theme papers were presented on this occasion. Mr. Kashiraj Dahal’s paper dealt with the experiences of more than hundred countries in constitution making. Mr Malla K. Sundar elaborated on the views of indigenous and ethnic people of Nepal. Chairman of Magar Sangh also stressed upon some of the demands of Magars. Eminent personalities- professors, scholars, politicians, social activists and people from other walks of life attended it. Dr. Govind Prasad Thapa, Chairperson of the Center, chaired and moderated the session.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 8:29 AM 0 comments

Wednesday, May 17, 2006
National Anthem
After the historic victory of people over king’s rule, many things are in the offing. One such is National Anthem, Rashtriya Gaan. There is a proposed national anthem written by Riddhipani Gautam in Kantipur, 17 May 2006, page 7. If this song becomes our national anthem, I am sure many of us would not own it and would not sing it. The reasons for this is firstly, the words are very difficult to read and sing, and secondly, there are names, which lead one to think and accept that the country of this national anthem is a predominantly Hindu state. It totally neglects and forgets that there are other holy places than that of Hindu only and that Nepal is a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, multi-cultural and multi-lingual country. Some of the examples of such elaborations are:

Pashupati rakchhit Nepal…Muktinath le mukti dine…sajiva Kumari, Naradevi, Dakchhinkali alaukik shaktipeeth….Swargadwari le swarga sulavpath pradarshak…

If you go through the whole text of the proposed anthem, you will agree with me that this cannot be our rashtriya gaan at all. Therefore, why not we write national anthem, which would arouse the national patriotism equally amongst all Nepali, and which would be acceptable and owned by all Nepali. I am sure there are many who can do this. Moreover, why not write our opinions on this issue in the letter to the editor of Kantipur. Those who are interested may kindly write to kanti@kantipur.com.np
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 9:51 AM 0 comments

Rashtriya Gaan

2006-05-16T21:10:00.000-07:00

May 16, 2006
Security Service Delivery in Nepal Emerging from Conflict
In post-conflict societies, there are often urgent needs to establish a basic sense of law and order. Only after this has been achieved, can the wider issues of safety and security be addressed. This continuum from disorder to order to safety and security is the essential starting point for justice and security delivery in post-conflict states. Looking at the current situation of law and order in Nepal, still much remains to be done by the present government to reinforce the peace and security.
The challenging situation of law and order in the country has many backdrop settings. First, the Nepal police force has been authoritarian and characterized by weak accountability and lack of civilian input into policing policy since the very beginning. The efforts to improve this institution have had very insignificant impacts in the past. Second, the high aspirations of people along with the April revolution (Jan Aandolan II) have added more challenges to the security system. Third, the remnants of the decade-long armed conflict are continuing. Fourth, the present seven party alliances (SPA) government was much focused on the peace agenda and therefore lacked strategic plan and direction for justice and security. Fifth, the security apparatus was also confused, demoralized and weak. All these backgrounds have attributed to the sorry situation of law and order in the country.
The effects of the decade-long armed conflict in Nepal have caused the erosion of the law. This has resulted in a state of lawlessness, a gun running culture, fostering armed and organized immoral syndicates. It has also caused colossal damage to the national economic growth and shattered the societal fabric of civilization. The underlying harms caused by the organized crimes of criminality are immense. Crimes have severe implications through the costs of victimization, which undermine economic and social development. At the same time, there are many pedophiles on the prowl. Many women and children suffer from sexual exploitation. The police find little time to look into these callous acts against humanity. Consequently, the impacts of these crimes have been heavy upon the price and quality of life of Nepali.
The police and criminal justice system in Nepal remain abusive, corrupt, and ineffective. The politicking in police in the past has distorted the attitude, skills and practices of the police personnel. It has left institutions with little aptitude for fighting crime in a manner that respects human rights principles. People at large consider police and other security apparatus as the age-long tormentor during the Rana regime, Panchayat system, autocratic monarchy and also adversary of the peoples' recent Jan Aandolan II. In the name of maintaining security, the police, and military abused human rights with impunity during these periods. The people now expect relief from all of these. Unfortunately, the present government has not been capable of handling these issues effectively. The government has to put forward a timely strategy and policy to reconstruct the present security system. The blurred visions, lack of confidence and trust, near non-existent weak strategic and policy framework and weak national capacity to manage changes are the main challenges today.
The main undertakings to improvement of the delivery of security services in Nepal turn on an understanding of the complexity of the problems and obstacles, time bound political agreement on political issues, practical policy and strategy related to security and justice, support mechanisms, gaining public support, confidence and empowerment of non-state actors and enforcement of policy into practice. The following could be the systematic plan of actions to improve the law and order situation in Nepal:
Political party consensus and commitment: This is the initial thing all the political parties should stand fast to the pacts already signed. The criminal elements in the coat of political party cadres and activists are active in criminal activities. Even the remnants of vigilante force formed by the old regime should be immediately disbanded. Once these elements are isolated and protection of the parties lifted, the criminal activities will be neutralized. There are instances where Maoist cadres have been "deployed with a view to support police in controlling robbery, drug abuse and other unwanted activities." These kinds of attitudes and activities will certainly help maintain law and order.
Improvement of the intelligence and investigation system: Levels of crime often accompany transitions to democracy. Transition enhances opportunities for more sophisticated and organized criminal operations. Experience and intelligence are key factors to success for any police organization in such situations. The criminal detection capabilities of Nepal police are weak and concentrated in limited areas. They are not strategically focused, they are not integrated, and they are not intelligence led. Intelligence gathering structures were focused on enemies of the regime rather than criminal networks. Intelligence costs money; and the lack of it more. Hence, this necessitates for investment to develop an effective criminal intelligence and investigation system. The sources for information and investigation will have to be extended to the mass of people taking into consideration their privacy, safety and security. Perhaps, this is the first step to consolidate the law and order situation until new establishment takes over. We have to enlighten police with the ways and means of battling with the post-conflict residual violence and crimes. The development of the existing crime investigation department into a nucleus for investigation of serious and organized crimes could be considered as immediate objectives.
Education and training: The police and other security persons still carry "war psychology." They still consider the populace as their adversary. Very little attitudinal changes have taken place. The ruler-ruled or the authoritarian types of administration and management have already had a bitter kick-back. Reforms in recruitment, selection, placement and promotion; improvement in training--particularly of junior police personnel; improvement in accountability of the police to the general public; and transformation of the police from a "force" into a "service" that emphasizes community policing are the basic foundations for an ideal police system. Unless the police system is indoctrinated to a new approach of policing, it will fail to serve the people.
Strategy, law and policy formulation: Dramatic changes in societies, which move from authoritarian rule to democratic governance often, weaken the state and social control, generating increased levels of crime. However, it does not allow redundancy. The experiences of many conflict ridden countries have to be considered and utilized to prevent and control the organized and serious crimes during transition. The imagination to innovate, the professionalism to perform and the openness to collaborate are the fundamentals to the work style of any government. The government must take immediate action to formulate laws and policies to neutralize criminal plan, deactivate profit motives, and assign special task forces to prevent and control violence and serious crimes and increase risks to the criminals by improving the criminal justice system. Close coordination among state and other agencies and unison of efforts should be given impetus to achieve these desired goals.
Restructuring police: Nepal has the legacy of regimental policing. The reformation of the present police, which took place in 1951/52, was the result of the amalgamation of militias, Rakshya Dal, Janamukti Sena, and the revolutionists who took up arms against the hundred and four years of tyrannous Rana regime. Amongst them, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, Pahal Singh Lama, and Rom Bahadur Thapa were with the rank of Majors in the Janamukti Sena, who, later on, were promoted to the rank of Inspector General of Nepal police. Many others also occupied key positions in the police in the subsequent years. For that reason, the very foundation of the police was based upon the revolutionary and military mindset and culture. The duty of the police of that time was to support the political regime or particular governments, therefore the services to the people were of the least priority.
High degrees of integrity and insulation from politics are important in policing. Without these, the organization cannot be trusted to conduct investigations in an impartial and objective way. In Nepal, the police have always been sabotaged by politicians. They have distorted it for their own vested interests. The nepotism, favoritism, monopoly, and hegemony practiced by them have destroyed the professionalism of police persons. Undue pressure and influence by political leaders upon police drove the police force away from its real sense of duty. The nexus of politicians and police only brought in the corruption and indulgence in criminal activities. Therefore, there is a need to insulate police from politics and abolish the culture of corruption from the police.
The police, once used as "tools of oppression" during the Jana Andolan II, suffer from lack of credibility and public trust. Today, the police are at a cross roads of confusion and low morale. They suffer from a run-over psychology. Some senior police officers are being suspended and some have been recommended for actions by the probe commission. On many occasions, the police are reluctant to take stern action against "wrong doers" for fear that they face allegations for "disrupting the peace process" or to "preserve patience.” They are merely seen as witnesses to several unlawful incidents. At this hour of despair, it badly requires new structures--responsive, accountable and representative of all diverse ethnic community, new policy, new energy, new direction, and new management. Also, there is an acute need for public support at this hour of despair.
Collaboration with various agencies: The state bears the responsibility to provide the basic security needs of a common man. The state can not accomplish this, until there is an integrated approach. In Nepal, the formal education of security management has been very limited to the government security agencies. This practice has, quite often, resulted in faulty policies and poor implementations. Therefore, there is a need for public education on security and strategic matters which will help the state in reviewing security policies and restructuring security system for obtaining optimum benefits in most cost effective ways.
Post-conflict justice systems are characterized by severe dysfunction, low levels of human and material resources, destroyed infrastructure, and lack of public trust. A history of corruption, discrimination and abuse of power within the institutions of justice has destroyed the public confidence and perpetuated lawlessness and chaos. The past and current failures of the legal system to protect individual rights, prosecute violators are the direct causes of, or substantial contributing factors to the appalling situation of impunity in the country. In order to develop a security system with democratic control, high level of accountability, and community participation, there is a need for a framework for a multi dimensional approach to security and justice for Nepali society.
Community mobilization: Community participation and cooperation are fundamental pillars for the policing. Community policing approach allows local people to participate in local government to manage their local security problems. The peoples’ participation provides input to good governance, and eliminates, in advance, any chances for potential conflicts. This partnership approach would indeed infuse the sense of belongingness, ownership, and satisfaction among the community members. The police thus obtain their full cooperation and participation in fighting crime of any gravity. Today, there are more than a hundred community police centers established jointly by community and police in Nepal. Dr. Bishnu Upreti suggests “modernizing police force and promoting special community policing strategy”. Security and justice delivery should not be considered in isolation. Therefore, the partnership approach is possible with wider state reforms--including efforts to tackle corruption, as well as more sustained economic growth.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 9:44 PM 0 comments

Sunday, May 07, 2006
Constituent Assembly and Constitution
The meeting of Magar Sangh Central Committee has decided to form a Working Committee to prepare a concept paper on CA and Constitutional changes. I am the convener. Other members of the Committee are Trilok Singh Thapa, Sangini Rana, and Bhoj Bikram Budha. We had first round meeting today. Almost all Magar Studies Center members and many other Magar intellectuals were present. We have decided to prepare the paper on the following headings:
-Listing the key Magar issues/Major concerns of Magars to be addressed
-Interim Constitution
-Constituent Assembly
-Constitution re-writing
You are kindly requested to send in any type of information or your opinion on these subjects. We hope to present this paper within few weeks time in one of the seminar and then hand over to Magar Sangh.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 8:21 AM 0 comments

Tuesday, April 25, 2006
My felicitations
Dear all Nepali bandhus,
My warm and hearty felicitations and congratulations to all Nepali people. The people have again proved that they are powerful and they can usher-in changes peacefully, no matter of what magnitude, without resorting to any arms and violent means. Though, it is time to be delirious with joy, yet there are many important tasks ahead to be carried out with utmost diligence and precision. Amongst imminent of them, we have to solve insurgency problem and re-establish peace and harmony, and we have to transform national diversities into opportunities and strengths by arousing and establishing feelings of ownership and patriotism, and commitment, among every single citizen, towards the nation and the national integrity. Let not the joys and excitement of people die and turn into bitter regret and anguish again with the passage of time. Let us hope that the peoples’dreams turn into a reality and that now Nepal moves forward--and forward only--to its ultimate destination of peaceful, prosperous, and greater Nepal.
Dr. Govind Prasad Thapa12 Baisakh 2063/25 April 2006
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 2:11 PM 1 comments

Need for more research

2006-05-12T02:29:00.000-07:00

After going through these literatures, though very limited in extent, we still do not find concrete answers for many questions related with the origin and history of Nepalese people--and Magars in particular. It appears to be more confusing than before. This could have been due to my ignorance. There are equal chances that these Westerners' kaleidoscope of perception may have been slightly different from Nepali historians. However, I see many areas for supplementary studies and archeological works, may be just to unravel the veiled secrets, and straighten out controversies, still rampant, pertaining to the origin and history of the people of Nepal.

I agree with Perceval Landon when he says “many questions relating to earlier days remain undecided is still unfortunately true, and the world will have to wait for the thorough examination and collation of the unpublished manuscript treasures of Kathmandu before a final chronology and chronicle of Nepalese can be begun." There are few things, which remain to be done, and those are--protect and conserve the already found evidences and documents for ready references for future researches and studies and engage professionals in extensive research works. While doing all these we should keep ourselves sincerely honest, neutral and free from any prejudices.

The above paragraghs are extract from the article "Magars Through the Eyes of Western Writers: A Socio-Anthropological Review", published in "Shodhmala", a journal of Magar Studies Center, 2005. Visit http://www.magarstudiescenter.org for the complete text and many other materials.

Monpas and Mangars!

2006-05-12T02:12:00.000-07:00

I happenned to read about a tibeto- burmese tribe called MONPAS, who were once said to have lived throughout Bhutan, Assam and Sikkim, having had princely states of their own,and ruling out of strong fortifications called Dzongs. The ancient history of Sikkim also states that a tribe called Mon lived there. Lately, they are scattered in Bhutan and Arunachal Pradesh. I am inclined to think that there maybe a close connection between them and the Mangars (Magars), since it is said that the Magars were residing in Sikkim before the advent of Bhutias in fortifications also called Dzongs, there are still some places in Sikkim called Magar Dongs. However, this is only a thought.
T. Thapa

Constituent Assembly and Constitution

2006-05-06T19:48:00.000-07:00

The meeting of Magar Sangh Central Committee has decided to form a Working Committee to prepare a concept paper on CA and Constitutional changes. I am the convener. Other members of the Committee are Trilok Singh Thapa, Sangini Rana, and Bhoj Bikram Budha. We had first round meeting today. Almost all Magar Studies Center members and many other Magar intellectuals were present. We have decided to prepare the paper on the following headings:

-Listing the key Magar issues/Major concerns of Magars to be addressed
-Interim Constitution
-Constituent Assembly
-Constitution re-writing

You are kindly requested to send in any type of information or your opinion on these subjects. We hope to present this paper within few weeks time in one of the seminar and then hand over to Magar Sangh.

Appreciation

2006-05-06T19:44:00.000-07:00

This is a very interesting article which I have just read. This would throw the history of Magars back by thousands of years. It is sad that though we are such an ancient race, very few of us have been able to agressively pubicise our identity, history and our contributions to the world. In fact very few people would even acknowledge our contibution for the unification of Nepal itself, when the truth is writeen all over the walls. I really appreciate Dr. Thapa for the good work he is doing and wish that he will sucessfully strive to better our understanding of ourselves.
Anonymous

From my diary

2006-04-12T01:38:00.000-07:00

Wednesday, April 12, 2006
Usually all seminars and workshops end up with sentimental feelings that we should get organised, we should try to get more seats in the parliament, we should improve education of Magars and we should be economically vibrant society etc. etc.
But what after that? The need to do is to translate these feelings into action plan and programs.

Wednesday, April 12, 2006
Police acts of barbarism
The ongoing merciless firing and baton-charging upon the demonstrators is condemnable and shameful acts. Never in its 50 years of service in the country had the police force resorted to such barbarian tactics. The police force has always been committed to “truth, service and security” of the people. But, such repressive action would erode its long preserved credibility in the public eye.
Also, given the way the police officers are behaving all hope of developing our police force into a modern, systematic, neutral and fair organization seems to have been smashed. I consider the current situation a total failure, both strategically and tactically.
Dr. Govind P. Thapa
The Himalayan Times( 13 April 2006, page 6)
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 2:11 PM 0 comments

Sunday, April 09, 2006
Calling for Peace
Peace echo from strange quarters in Nepal--Dr I Arul Aram

‘Shangrila’ – the heaven of peace – is stained with blood, the blood of its heavenly beings. Yes, the traditionally peaceful Himalayan Kingdom of Nepal is facing with a civil war for a decade now. About 13,000 people have been killed so far. Voices of peace start echoing from strange quarters as well. One such is that of Dr Govinda Prasad Thapa, who recently retired as Additional Inspector General of Police in Nepal. Talking at the School of Oriental and African Studies(SOAS) in London in March 2006 under the auspices of the London Chhalphal, the ex-police officer said the Maoists struggle had ruined Nepal. “The issue should not be rejected but addressed. We should take conflict in a positive way. Conflict of any magnitude can bemanaged, if it is not rejected. Socio-economic injustice and exclusion of communities are the fundamental problems of Nepal. We have to address them before the situation gets out of hand.”The ex-police officer, who is influential enough to have a private audience with the King, now wears a cloak of a human rights activist. But he does not wish to be branded as such, lest he is considered partisanin the Nepali sense! He says the conflict has not only marred development but also made the state ineffective in ensuring safety, security and justice to its citizens.The conflict has resulted in the migration of thousands of people, besides inflicting heavy casualties. And, men are kidnapped, women are raped, people trafficked for flesh trade or human organs, children are recruited as child soldiers, gun culture is widely prevalent, corruption is rampant, socio-cultural fabric destroyed, economy is shattered, and democracy is vandalised. Dr Thapa says that the rejection of conflict results in trying to wipe out the parties to the conflict and going for an all-out offensive to gain control over the situation. Alternatively, the much better approach is to accept the dynamics of conflict and move toward a peaceful resolution. The use of arms and ammunition cannot result in a permanent solution. At best, it can do a patchwork. People with arms feel more powerful and they exercise their power by killing innocent people as well. The British legacy of having the police and the military for protecting the rulers, and not the people, continues. “This mindset has to change.”Peace expertise needed. The situation is complicated, says Dr Thapa. Not that the government has not tried out non-violent means of conflict resolution. But peace talks failed because of the lack of expertise. “We do not know the ways to negotiate or we were not serious about the talks. In fact, no notes have been taken during the last two peace talks. We do not know how to carry on a dialogue or to take notes. The United Nations or some friendly government should come forward to help us in gaining expertise in peace negotiations.”Nepal’s main political parties and civil society have urged the government to take part in a mutual ceasefire to decrease the conflict’s toll on civilians and start peace talks. The government rejected the Maoist’s ceasefire, saying the Maoists were using it to prepare for an intensified fight. On 2 January 2006, the Maoists ended its one-sided ceasefire and clashes have returned to pre-ceasefire levels. The government should declare a ceasefire. It did not responded positively to the four-month ceasefire of Maoists. Somehow the government took a different view of the situation. But no definite policy has been set forth. No written agenda or common grounds to channelise the conflict towards peace have been worked out. For instance, about constituent assembly, no one knows what its size and shape should be. No paper workhas been done. No documents are there to base the discussion. There is no vision, laments Dr Thapa.
Civil society should be strengthened as it plays amajor role in development at the grassroots. If the local communities develop, people would gain the capacity to manage their problems. Empowerment of local communities and development are an anti-dote to civil unrest. Coordination even within the government framework is lacking. The army and the police do not coordinate.Home and Defence Ministries function separately. If any one Minister is entrusted with the job of coordination, this will not happen. Lack of coordination between two armed wings leads to erratic violence which needs to be avoided, says Dr Thapa. Asked whether the morale of the police is deteriorating, Dr Thapa says ‘yes’. “The police should have been given an important role in counter insurgency operations as they who have intelligence of remote areas. Whenever there was an attack on police stations, reinforcements should have been sent rather than withdrawing the already available force. Becauseof the wrong decision to withdraw the police from certain remote areas, the government no more has access to intelligence in certain pockets. Declaring a state of emergency on 1 February 2005, the King had promised to (1) usher in peace, (2) restore democracy, (3) control corruption and (4) accelerate development. But these did not take effect. The King cannot do all these as a single man. “Without consolidating all actors in the conflict, the King will not be able to fulfil his promises, says Dr. Thapa.
(The writer is a Visiting Research Scholar at theLondon School of Economics and volunteer with PeaceBrigades International. He may be reached at i.a.aram(at) lse.ac.uk)
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 3:16 PM 0 comments

Responses to my good-bye letter
I had received your meaningful letter couple of weeks back. I was trying to write some words right after receiving your letter. The letter is gorgeous and it reminds me like Nehru’s letter to his daughter Indira Gandhi. The letter will always inspire me to work hard and to be a creativeness.
Sir, though you left the police organization but your thoughts, principle, efforts and work will always remind us to step forward on your guided path. I am sure you have empowered the hundreds of officers who are very keen to work on the same issues. However, we miss you lot. Your kindness and positive attitude towards the women police was very great. However, I will not be able to meet you frequently as before, but I am sure I will always be receiving your guidelines and suggestions in future too.
Kiran Bajracharya.
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It was a great pleasure to read you at a long gap. Due to the month long detention and later the GADBADI in my computer, I was, to some extent, out of contact. So thanks for your mail. It was sad news to us to hear that you are going to be retired. We expected to see you on the chair of the head of the Nepal Police. Actually, you deserved it. However, you are saying good-bye and we are looking helplessly. I hope you know the objective realities. None would deny your views on the challenges, role and plan to modernize the Nepal police on the context of present day requirements. It is a grave feeling to helplessly look the deteriorating situation of Nepal Police. Although the entire Political setup is responsible to it, but none can deny the personal liabilities of its present leadership. It is a great irony that your academic and professional merits created a challenge to the whole leadership and they sidelined you. Anyway, what you have learned and what you have experienced are the assets of entire nation and the day will come when it will be utilized to modernize Nepal Police. Personally I hope that I will be benefited by your vast and multidisciplinary experiences.Have a peaceful and meaningful retired life. Please stay in regular touch.
Thank you.
Pradeep Gyawanli
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In my short career of about 18 years, I have seen a lot many officers, including some Chiefs, come and go. I don't think a lot many officers missed many. I am not the one to analyze your efforts for the benefit and development of Nepal Police. Its all there, asclear as crystal, if people realize.I did not actually get the opportunity to spend substantial time under your direct command but it always need not be that way to know and understand the capabilities of a person like you. You are, in fact, inspiration to many officers who are able to realizethat kind of potential. It has been a kind of upheaval for the Police time and again. But, its a pity that the importance or necessity of an extraordinary individual, an exceptional professional has not been realized at this time of 'critical' moment of ours. This, I can simply term as a 'bad luck', if we believe in lucks. However, voice or opinion of officers of my stature is rather unheard of in our organization so we can just mention internally, maintaining the disciplinary standard that we need to be in. Anyway, I believe that sooner or later, the organization and other partners concerned will, in time, realize & understand your contribution. It sure is a good bye. But, before I end up for the time being, Sir, please remember me if there should be anything. I will try my best never to disappoint you. I know that you will be busy even in your retired life, as your knowledge & expertise will be used bymany a people / organizations, I wish you a very happy and successful life hereafter.Pashupati Upadhya
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With deep sentiment and gratefulness. I do have extreme pleasure receiving your good bye e-mail. Everybody comes and everybody goes, but never goes the value, and belief that is established honestly during one's crucial part of life. So is the essence, I can extract from notable contributions made specifically by you in your long service period for the fullest development of Nepal Police Organization. As I feel sincerely your valuable professionalism policy reports, sagacious vision postulated on issues of crime against women and children, have been immensely considered as a matter of gratification on part of Nepal Police. I can assure you that entire organizational work force would remain incessantly on the follow-up spirit to your rational instructions for promoting institutional prosperity. Last but not the least, whatever the constructive suggestions as stated in your good-bye e-mail, making me more impressed an inspired are of greater significance in leading Nepal Police Organization to an idealistic one in the days to come. I hope for unremitting co-operation, constructive and better ideas from your part for institutional development even aftermath of the retirement, since pages of Nepal Police history will perpetuate your visionary role forever. Wish your every success in your retired life, and of entire family. Thanking you, AIGP, Director of NPA, Amar Singh Shah e-mail- amarsishah@yahoo.com / amarsishah@hotmail.com
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As I came to know through your mail that you are going to be retired soon, I'd like to wish you All the Best. Certainly, your contributions in Nepal Police, specifically in the area of Women and Children issues will be counted and I believe that you will continue to support in future too.Best Wishes and Regards.
Respectfully Yours,
Kabita Niraula
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Dear Rajesh Bhai,I think it is not necessary to know each other from earlier for us who have been blended with the same flavors and everything of the same soil and probably have the same feelings for a common purpose. I am really overwhelmed to read your mail, a kind of optimistic that there are some people so much committed and devoted and trying their best. Yes, you are right that I am one of those folks who has been impatiently waiting for a better future of the people of our country. Frankly speaking, after I came out of the country I realized how beautiful country and generous people we have. I came across so many people saying if they ever wish to go to visit a place in their life that would be â€˜Nepalâ€™. And because of the worsening situation of the country day by day, we feel so much embarrassed even to introduce ourselves as 'Nepalese' in the international arena that we used to do so proudly in early days. Thanks for writing this to me and I'm eagerly waiting to seeing something different in the given time by you.We Nepalese, each of us living abroad are really concerned about the situation and people back home. Physically we are here but we have left our hearts and minds behind with you all. Every one of us wishes the peace to be restored in country as the earliest possible. Just to let you know about myself, I joined Nepal Police as a constable and left after 17 years of my service as DSP in 2000. I respect my dear sir Dr. Govinda Thapa very much, who has transformed the Police organization into this stage. My best wishes are with him all the while. His contribution to Nepal Police now made with many handful professional and capable officers working tirelessly day and night. I'm sure they are also impatiently waiting for an environment that their service can be offered even more efficiently. We learned many things from Govinda sir, certainly he will remain as precedent for the future generations and I'm here as representing from Nepal in the Interrnational organizations becuase of the experienced I gained from Nepal Police and the skills I learnt from Govinda sir et al. He had been always positive and very much supportive in dealing with women and children issues. He motivated both male and female members within the organization with creating better working relationship and environment to deal with such issues. He is well aware that I was one of the officers, initially involved in establishing women cells in various districts, in co-operation with UNICEF Nepal. I personally visited each of the districts to see the feasibility for setting up the offices, trained police personnel and made presentations to local authorities and local people on the burning issues of women and child crimes prevailed in the country. I enjoyed working in the area and really wanted to continue the work that I had begun. But the situation remained something like that that I could not continue. Moreover environment was not favorable. Truly speaking, I came over here with my heavy heart and I have always a feeling to come back home and contribute a little to the needy people in one or other way, specifically those underprivileged women and children. I was even thinking to work from outside, for strengthening the women cells in Police, make it work collaboratively with concerned parties and provide women officers with guidance and expertise whatever I have gained over the years. But there is no clear vision so far, how to and whether itâ€™s going to be possible or not. Please let me know if I can be of any use in any of the programs that you are intending to launch, I will try to do with my whole heart. Actually, I wanted to forward your message to the bunch of people listed in the mail. As you know drops of water make an ocean to make its boat able to float and reach to the destination. There is so much to offer and I'm confident that all of them from this group are keen and capable to offer in either ways. Well, time will tell us and it will guide us. Thanks for your nice mail and it would be nice to hear from you soon.
Best Regards.
Kabita NirolaInvestigatorOffice of the ProsecutorUnited Nations Criminal Tribunal for the former YugoslaviaChurchillplein 1, 2517 JW, The Hague, NetherlandsTel: + 31 (0)70 - 512 8180E-mail: nirola@un.org
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Thanks for your note informing us of your impending retirement form
Nepal Police Force on March 15, 006. The day of retirement comes in the life of every public servant . This is somewhat inevitable. I' ve gone through the same stage as well.
Your note provided us a snapshot of some important work that you did
during your police career and is still doing. I'm sure you can look
back upon your achievements with pride and with a sense of satisfaction. I would consider it as no small achievement in your academic pursuit and in your police career.
After you are free, may be this will give us more time to work and talk
together on problems the country is facing and open up vistas to work
together.
Regards,
Rabindra Shakya, Ph.D.
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Thank you very much for sharing Your Thoughts with us. Trilok Thapaji
(not the young Doctor Trilok Thapa!) and I would like to, after 15th March,Warmly Welcome You to the Association of Retired People!
Yes, after having given the Best Part of your Life to an institution,
This retirement is a momentous milestone in our lives. When Pashupati Rana sent me to "meditate" at the Ministry from NEA, I told my colleagues at the farewell function that the tradition of the "outgoing MD" leaving through the Backdoor and the "incoming MD" garlanded up to his nose should be stamped out. Both MDs should be accorded the same level of felicitations. After all the "incoming MD" would one day also have to face the Farewell song!
Anyway, we look forward to your Retirement ending up on an Active and
Busy Schedules! At least as the MSC/IGP for some time to come, I look
forward to your varied and valuable contributions in making our MSC a sound and respected institution!
With warm regards,
SB Pun
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Thank you very much for your email. First of all, I would like to congratulate for your invaluable contributions to Nepal Polic Force in shaping into the present form. I used to talk to my friends and with my family members always that having all these high standard qualities required for police force and having the highest academic degree in relevant field why you are not promoted to the position of IGP. The answer I used to get from them was simply "This is Nepal and Janajatis are under the domination of Brahman, Chhetri and Newar". To some extent, it is true but I think one missing thing among the Indigenous Natiolities (INs) is lack of UNITY that others have. Anyway, we will never forget your contributions you have done for the sake of nation.
I still see in you a lot of potentials and you have still long productive life. Let us think further what we can do together for the sake of INs and particularly the Magars.
In spite of having all risks as a Programme Manager of UNDP assisted project, I have taken some serious initiatives and introduced some innovative approach to work for the cause Very Poor, INs and Dalits. I have introduced the concept of Social Inclusion in identifying the target groups particularly from the INs and Dalits. However, the the senior authorities in government are watching at my approach. In open forum, they appreciate my approach but I know internally they are not happy. The participation poor families of INs in my project are about 35 percent who are getting direct benefits of programme. I have been able to sensitize more than 200 staff working in the field in 20 districts. The average income of beneficiaries has been raised to more than 300 percent and one single beneficiary has contributed about 60 percent increase in income of a family all through micro-enterprise development by poor entrepreneurs.
I see some opportunity to work together through MSC and hope you will take lead of this institute.
From first week of March, my project will be evaluated by the external Consultants and will be busy for about five weeks. I am planning to see you after that. We will discuss and develop some strategies further.
Best wishes to you and your family
With best regards.
Lakshman Pun, Ph. D.
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I appreciate you for a long, faithful and efficient service to the
nation. I'm really impressed by your sincere concerns about the nation
and people. At the time of chaos, confusion and opportunism, Nepal is
crying for a visionary and honest person like you. It is sad to know
that you are bidding adieu to Nepal Police. However, I'm confident that you will certainly utilize your wealth of knowledge and experience in the service of the nation.
I wish you all the success in your new career.
Regards,
Prateek
---------------------------------
It is nice to hear from you and to know that you are now relinquishing
Your office after a very chequered and successful career spanning over to more than three decades. It has been a privilege for me to have known you for almost more than five years now.
You certainly had a very satisfied innings both in your professional
life as well as in your commitment to render some service to your community for the upliftment of the hapless and the down trodden. I am sure now that you will have more leisure, you will continue to do some serious writing on various important problems facing your society while at the same time working assiduously in the field about the well being of your people. You should also strongly pursue your idea of establishing a SAARCPOL.
I wish you all the best in your future action plans, and also wish
That the HM's Government and other NGOs should be able to utilize your vast and rich experience for giving shape to various policy measures for the people of Nepal as also strengthening its international commitment to the good of the mankind.
It will always be a pleasure to see you any time you are coming to
This part of the world. May Lord Pashupathinath bestow upon you and your family His choicest blessings for all-round success in the new phase of your life.
Sincerely
R B Jain.
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I am really proud of you and have been always impressed by your simplicity and a deep understanding on the ethno-political and socio-economic issues of the country not to mention about your own organization. I hope your organization will keep in mind your ideals but I am not that optimistic in the sense that usually people in the organization hesitate to appreciate the one who leaves for good and flatter the one who is in position. Anyway, now that you will be free from the routine job I am pretty sure that you will have the freedom to accomplish the uncompleted and more desired tasks.
I am sure your contribution to the nation in the future will be more far-reaching and of course let us hope our friendship continues in the future. By the way hope you will post us your new address. With best regards and a brighter future!
Kailash Pyakuryal
Professor
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I heard many good things about you from one of my best friend (Kal Bhan Rai) who works in PLAN-Nepal. I am glade, now I got chance to communicate with you that is great opportunities for me.
I appreciate your heavy professional contributions to establishment and development of women and children services in police department. We know, we need more educated main power like you in Nepal Police department to shape up young generation and whole Nation. I hope still you can continuous your contribution for our community even though you are not in a police force (IGP post). I believe that, Your diverse and higher education level and long experience will add more imputes to promote our community after your retirement. I hate to tell you happy retirement life but this is time for our community development through your initiation. I am ready to give my hand if you need it in the process of our social development.
Dai Let me introduce my self, my name is Shiva Kumar Rai. I have born in Bhojpur. I worked CTEVT, PLAN-INTERNATIONAL. I have four Master degrees in different subject from UK and USA. Presently, I am doing PhD in “International Community Economic Development” in US.
Socially, I am associated with Nepal-US Indigenous People Forum (USA) as a founder Board Director and Board member of Kirat-Rai Society of America.
Lastly, I wish your happy retirement life and again I appreciate your all-social and administrative contribution for our society.
Thanks Dai
Shiva Rai
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I am honored to have received your farewell essay. Everyone living in Nepal has benefited from your sincere service, compassionate perspective, and concern for those who are not heard in Nepali society. Your retirement from the Nepal Police will be a great loss, however The Daywalka Foundation plans to keep you completely engaged in the law community and to build on the foundation you have already set through your years of service and legal research.
The Daywalka Foundation greatly looks forward to a long relationship with you-and as I mentioned at our last meeting, my goal is to not let you relax at all in your retirement. :)
With highest regards,
Jennifer Anderson Program Director, Asia, The Daywalka Foundation
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I have been surprised by the news of your retirement, we believed that no police officer is equally qualified and educated like you in Nepali Police force at the moment, The country could have benefited more from you as there seems greater need of the officers like you for the country at this situation, but a MONOTONOUS and FAVOURITISM System does not consider anything! What A system! Well, besides you have done a great job for the country and have set an example to all, you have made us proud ( Magar Samaj), you are a real model to all the policemen of Nepal. The devotional service to the country, all round development of police force, a crime free and peaceful society as you had dreamt of, I am sure will be accomplished by the contributions you have given. I hope In the days to come of your retirement life the society will benefit even more from you.
Looking forward to see you and, wishing you all the best in the days ahead,
Tharka Rana – UK
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Thank you so much for letting us your Retirement , you are the greatest police officer from ours Magar families and you done great job for our Nation we are proud of you well done and god bless you on behalf of MAUK London branch would like to give many many happy retirement life with peace and happiness life..well done and God bless you sir.
Bill Purja London
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Let me congratulate you on the good work that you have done.
And I do not think that your retirement should in anyway make the world loose an opportunity to have people like you still doing good work.
To introduce myself, My name is Megh Ranjani Rai , I am a development specialist and an indigenous peoples network member.
I am just sending you a vacancy advertisement from UNDP. If you are interested, you should apply, Why not? I cannot assure you about the job, but I too and a consultant and we have to use these networks.
Please find the attachment
Best of luck and warm regards,
Megh Ranjani Rai
Member patron
Kirat Rai Yayokhha ,
www.meghrai.tk
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Thank you very much for letting us your retirement and well-done for valuable contribution to the nation, you are the only one who is highly qualified police officer from the Magar family. On behalf of Magar Association UK would like to express happy and peaceful life for your rest of life or second career where ever you go.
Dut pun
---------------------------------------------
Your feeling and commitment towards the organization will surely be the
source of its further development in the future as well. I know sir
there are lot more things you have done in here. You always remained a role model for people who wanted to breathe in non-traditional atmosphere, make, and manage a change for the betterment as you mentioned clearly. But, I cannot say good bye to you as we will consider you, your idea and knowledge as the greatest assets for us and you have to promise that you would appear whenever we need your help and assistance. I feel like the whole organization is going to become hollow when you say good-bye.
I wish you all the best sir. I pray for your better and more successful
life.
Best regards
Subodh Ghimire
DySP
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I read with dismay about your retirement. You were indeed able to make
numerous positive changes in your institution through your vast
knowledge and personal initiative. I am sure, Nepal Police will always
respect and revere your contributions to improvise the system as all of
us do. However, with your experience, knowledge and commitment to
eradicate gender based violence, I am sure we will be meeting in
several forums. I would like to wish you all the best from my side and will be glad to assist you if opportunity provides.
Best regards,
Madhuri Singh
Anti-trafficking & Child Labor Advisor
USAID/Nepal
Tel : 00-977-1-4270144
Fax : 00-977-1-4272357
Email : msingh@usaid.gov
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Your service to the nation has been great ! We appreciate it. The country will never forget your contribution particularly to the modernization of Nepalese Police Force.
Please check your message posted also on http://groups.yahoo.com/group/MAGAR_RESEARCH_FORUM/message/174
We had, few months back, written against the favouritist government of Nepal that was forcing you out extending 1 year term of the current IGP, who has relentlessly come under fierce criticism from major media houses on being indifferent towards the abduction and extortion case of two Tibeto-origin Nepalese.
We believe there are lots to be done for the cause of disadvantaged peoples - particularly the IPs of Nepal.
We wish you all the best and a healthful retired life.
Thank you,
B. K. Rana
Nepal-US Indigenous Peoples' Forum
Boston, USA.
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First of all I would like to extend my sincere thanks and gratitude for your great contribution in sensitizing police force in human trafficking, establishing special cell in police office to control human trafficking and your commitment in humanitarian issues. I am so much impressed with your commitment.
I wish your very happy retired life but I also wish that you will continue your intellectual and humanitarian commitment in future. Your knowledge and experiences will be very valuable in modernizing nation's police force in future.
Hope to work together in future.
Best regards
Bishnu Upreti
Researcjer, Conflict transformation and peace building
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I am really sorry to learn that you will soon be retiring from your
job. However, we acknowledge and appreciate your concerns and the support that you have been giving from the chair that you have been holding, especially on the issue to address violence against women.
Though you will be retiring from your job, I am sure we will continue
to receive inputs and support from you in our work.
Best regards.
Sangeeta Thapa
UNIFEM Programme Coordinator, Nepal
UNIFEM Programme Office, Nepal
102/42 Thapathali, Kathmandu, Nepal
Tel.: 977-1-4255110/4247265
Fax: 977-1-4247265
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As you know well that I am one among your several strong admirers. It had been always great o wok with you, to travel with you and o listen your speeches full of wisdom AND THOUGTFULLNESS.I am sure we will continue our work together in future. You are part of us and will be more close to us in coming days. Thanks and wishing you a very successful new life out side Nepal Police.Dr. Renurajbhandari
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I agree with Alok on that...............there is life after retirement. and you are not any Tom, Dick and Harry, you are hard working and a qualified person ...........i am sure there are lots of organizations who needs people like you who can do something for the community and for the nation. Have you thought of working with DFID, ADB, UN or World Bank? i am sure they will welcome you whole heartedly. I wish you good luck for your seminar and have a nice vacation........you deserve it.
Regards,
Dimpi
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Thank you for the good-bye message and for sharing with us information on the stocks of your achievements and work experiences. You certainly seem to have used the 31 years very sincerely and productively, not just for enhancing your own intellectual capacity, but also utilizing the knowledge for reforming the country's police service. Through various innovative initiatives, you have sown some new seeds, which, if allowed to continue to grow and spread their roots and shoots, will not only change the public image of the Nepalese police force, but also go a long way, making useful contributions to the overall process of
nation building. You have demonstrated and set examples for the rest of us what a true citizen can (and should) do and use his/her position to improve the organization s/he is supposed to work for. I sincerely express my appreciation to you.
You may be retiring from the police force in a month time, but it is hard to imagine a person like yourself, who is so motivated, dedicated and passionate to see his nation grow and do really well, can truly retire from the actual task that he has set for himself (and for the police department). So please do keep it up.
With best wishes,
Dr. Yam Malla
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Thanks for your letter. We are all proud of your personal achievement and all that you have accomplished as an Additional Inspector General of Police with more than thirty-one years of long service. It is sad that you are going to retire recent future, but we hope to have your invaluable cooperation in the future as and when needed. In the field of Forensic Science, there are many more improvements yet to be done. When such activities are being expanded in the near future, we will be hopeful to receive your valuable suggestion. I have all reasons to believe that your personal contribution will be very valuable.Your suggestion for SAARCPOL, SAPATH are indeed noteworthy and it should be incorporated in the programs and projects of the police force. When this is being done we hope you will offer your kind help.Lastly, I wish you the very best in your retired life. May all your wishes and dreams come true and my best wishes are always with you.With best regardsS.P. Janak Bahadur SinghCentral Police Science laboratoryMaharajgunj,Kathmandu,Nepal
I am sure that you anticipate your retirement with mixed feelings. I hope that it is long and happy.
Alan Whaites is the senior governance adviser in DFID Nepal and he was looking for a knowledgeable officer to assist with some work. I recommended you and I expect that he will be in touch with you soon.
Things here are very difficult. The police are too busy to do anything. It is difficult persuading them that it is in their interests to reform. There is far more political interference here and the police seem frightened to do anything without permission.
I will be looking at the position of short-term consultants in the near future and will obviously have my good friends in Nepal in mind.
I hope to be in Nepal in a few weeks. I had dinner with the Nepalese Ambassador here last week. He is a very nice man.
Best wishes and I hope that I see you soon.
Richard Miles
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 3:03 PM 1 comments

Saturday, February 25, 2006
my retirement
As I shall be retiring on 15 March 2006, after more than thirty-one years of long service, I have recently been thinking of saying good-bye to you all. Before doing so, I think, I should update you about some little things that seemed important to me, and for which I always utilized my energy. I thank you all for the help and support. I equally thank all my fellow police officers who were very energetic and helpful to me in the pursuit of developing modern police.

I strongly believed that a modern police officer should be highly educated and rationalized on the modern policing strategies and practices that were strongly democratic, effective, and humane. Therefore, I continued with my studies even after joining police during my off hours and attained Doctoral Degree in human trafficking and law enforcement, Masters Degree in English literature and Public Administration, and Bachelor’s Degree in Law. This academic knowledge always helped me in my thoughts and deeds.

I contributed to police reforms through several independent and joint valuable policy reports, which focused for the development of a democratic, systematic, clean, neutral and fair, professional, efficient, cost-effective, and people centered police service for Nepal and Nepali people. I always had a dream for Nepal police to become an open and accountable service, respecting the rule of law, and which earns the respect of and is responsible to the needs of all sectors of Nepalese society.

The combat against the violence and crimes against women and children still needs new visions and synergy. My contributions to address these issues were the strong advocacy for the establishment and development of separate women and children services centers in police. Today there are eighteen such centers spread in eighteen districts besides one central level and one regional level office. These are today instrumental to improve crime investigation and prosecution. I also advocated for a workable national plan of action and formation of a strong working committee to manage these issues at national and regional levels. I also advocated for the foundation of SAARCPOL, like INTERPOL and EUROPOL, to foster regional police cooperation in fighting crime. Similarly, I had proposed for the foundation of SAPATH (South Asia Professionals Against Traffic in Human) for the concerted fight against exploitation and slavery-like crimes in Southern Asia.

Community participation and cooperation are fundamental pillars for policing crimes. Therefore, I have been of the view that we carry on our efforts along with the local community, through community policing approach, to win their heart and mind. This partnership approach would indeed infuse the sense of belongingness and satisfaction among the community members. This approach allows local people to participate in local government to manage their local security problems. The police thus receive their full cooperation and participation in fighting crime of any gravity. The peoples’ participation provides inputs to good governance, and eliminates, in advance, any chances for potential conflicts.

I have strong belief that violence does even justice unjustly. Therefore, I stress upon the establishment of structures and mechanisms to manage change and political conflict through democratic and peaceful means. I strongly feel for the need of improvements in the long-term strategy, policy, and standard operation procedures for effective prevention and control of current conflict in the country, and reform and revitalize the security services and justice delivery system to prevent any such catastrophe in future. I am also in favor of the international communities’ technical assistance for us in the peace building process.

Individuals come and go in the institutions therefore they are not important things. Institutions live there for longer times. I shall be continuing with the contributions to see that the security and criminal justice system improves to a satisfactory level to serve the people and the country.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 3:43 PM 0 comments

Wednesday, February 01, 2006
Utter failure
1.2.2006. The maoists have again attacked Palpa district police and army headquarters. The security forces do not have intelligence. They have no brain to fight with the guerillas. Utter State failure.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 12:10 PM 0 comments

Monday, January 16, 2006
Poor people dying
14 Jan 2006. Maoists attacked two police out posts in Kathmandu. 12 police persons died. Poor people are dying because of the worst form of governance and selfish politics of all political forces in Nepal.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 1:23 PM 0 comments

Friday, January 06, 2006
Stand on your feet
One should not be carried away by the whiffs and moods of others. We should not be the toy for others' amusement.People respond to promises and threats. One has to attain capacities--the power-- to promise or threaten. There are, of course, two ways of getting those capacities or power--peaceful or bloodshed. We all know by now that violence does even the justice unjustly. It is during the hours of frustration that one commits more serious mistakes. Therefore there is a need for caution and wisdom to pursue strategically, tactically and technically with speed(we are too slow to act by ourselves and bank heavily on others to do something for us).
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 11:04 AM 0 comments

Tuesday, January 03, 2006
Ethnisation: A concern of all
There was a seminar in Nepal (some seven-eight months before) ranging around the issues of the need, attempts, popularity of ethnicizing discourses in contemporary Nepal, the diversity of stakeholders and of their discourses on ethnicity, the shift of the'ethnic paradigm' during the last 15 years, ethnisation and its consequences, and ethnisation and de-ethnisation in Nepal's past. I understand that these types of discourses are definitely going to reinforce the mutual understanding, developing strategies, policies, and programs for the development and improvement of nationalities in and outside the country. The important fact that I would like to reiterate to be considered is these issues should not be the issues of ethnic minorities only but also of majorities. Therefore any attempts to be taken to development and improvement should be participative, inclusive-- accomodating all stakeholders.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 3:24 PM 0 comments

Wednesday, December 28, 2005
Citizens' role in security policy making
25 Dec 2005. Nepal police inaugurated the Post Graduate Diploma in Police Science course today. In fact this is a basic training course designed for fresh inspectors which has been recently endorsed by Tribhuvan University for Diploma level certificate. It could be successful only after some years of efforts on our parts and cooperation of the University family. With the notion that we need to educate citizens in the issues of crime and security management, Nepal police had taken initiatives (proposal for Master’s Degree in Police Science was forwarded to ministry of home through police headquarters by National Police Academy—at that time I was the Director) in 2058 BS (2001AD) to establish a center where matters of crime and security management could be dealt institutionally. In countries where major decisions pertaining to crime and security management—at the level of personal or national-- are prominently dominated by security agencies, such programs are necessary to involve citizen’s participation in policy making and cooperation in implementation. I am of the view that this program should be open for outsiders also. This will have multiple impacts— at individual, institutional and national level. I also dream of having a Police University in coming years—like they have in other countries.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 8:08 PM 1 comments

Monday, December 19, 2005
Dedication for mankind
14.12.2005. I attended the marriage ceremony of one of the orphan girls nursed, brought up, educated and solemnized as bride by Indira Rana Magar, Chair person of Prisoners Assistance Nepal. This girl was abandoned by her parents. This organization has been rescuing innocent children from prisons who had to live inside the jails with their convicted parents with out their own faults. Indira had established this organization five years ago. PA Nepal’s mission is to rid prisoners of unnecessary suffering and hardship, in particular the suffering experienced by innocent children and prisoners who are poor and disadvantaged. It wants to help transform prisons into places that work to help prisoners build worthwhile and rewarding futures.

There are fifty five children in her home at present. She is the mother of all these children. Indira was recently awarded Ashoka Fellowship for her dedication and devotion to her love and care for helpless children. She was also awarded Top Fifty Women of Nepal Award. She is also running a primary school for poor and orphan children. Her organization is entirely dependent on the donations of friends and supporters- not on any INGO. Looking at her determination, hard work and dedication, I felt myself very much selfish and petite in front of this great lady who has sacrificed her happiness and whole life for the sake of poor and needy children. My regards and best wishes to such a leader.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 8:37 AM 1 comments

Sunday, November 13, 2005
Sani Sherpa committed suicide
13 Nov. 2005. Sani Sherpa, 27 years old woman, committed suicide few hours ago here in Kathmandu. She committed suicide out of utter poverty and frustration. She had two children, one two year old girl and the other one a five days old boy baby. Now the baby is sent to the hospital and the girl child is with the police. Her husband had apparently abandoned her with her fate. She was looked after by her neighbors. It is unfortunate that despite of many social organizations to help poor woman like Sani, such incidents keep on happening.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 6:19 PM 4 comments

Friday, October 28, 2005
Looking for talents in the streets
28 Oct. 2005. The seven party coalitions have called for “Valley Bandha” (Valley Closedown) today in protest of the government’s law on media. On the eve of the general strike the police radios and walkie-talkies were already blaring harsh instructions to “arrest street children in as many number as possible” in a bid to foil their participation in today’s rallies. Street children quite often suffer most in such events.

Contrary to this, Sadak Pratibha Sarokar Nepal (Street Children Concern Nepal), a NGO of street children, organized a closing ceremony to mark the end of the six month long skill development training. Minister for Women, Children and Social Welfare was the chief guest. Ms Komal Oli, a noted singer, and me were some of the guests. On this occasion, the shooting of the first take of the tele film “Aawaaj”(Voices of street) was also inaugurated. The Save the Children, Norway is assisting this organization’s activities.

The problems are—why we can’t stop bullying children? And why we can’t stop children landing up in the street? A more proactive role is required instead of taking reactive ones.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 5:38 PM 1 comments

Thursday, October 20, 2005
Prerequisites of elections
18 Oct 2005. The local municipality elections are scheduled to be held in Magh of this year and the general election for parliament has been slated by the end of next year i.e. end of Chaitra 2063. Sounds good! But the pertinent questions are: will these elections solve all the current political problems? Are we not going to resolve down imminent things before these elections? Two key issues remain to be addressed before these elections--the re-establishment of peace by prevailing law and order, and restructuring of the political system. What about the inclusive type of political system that we have been talking lately? And what about the proportionate representative election system associated with these issues? Don’t you think that these are prerequisites to any elections if we really wish to settle things once for all?
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 9:21 PM 1 comments

Tuesday, October 18, 2005
First peace then election
The main objective of having elections is to elect a representative or a political leader for the government in a free and fair manner. When there are no freedom to choose, when there are no good candidates or parties, and when there are no voters to vote then such election is no election; it is a folly. The basic prerequisites for election are the conducive situation prevailed by law and order, majority of voters, and candidates or the political parties. Therefore the first thing we need to do is to fulfill these preconditions. Let us have first peace then elections.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 10:06 AM 1 comments
Towards peace
The Maoist insurgents have declared unilateral ceasefire on 3rd September 2005. But the government has not done so yet. The government has failed to recognize the demand of the people for peace. In this way the government has politically failed to grab the advantage of the opportunity of re-establishing its faith and image inside and outside the country. The government should have welcomed Maoist’s move and further appealed for everlasting peace by calling and preparing for talks and negotiations.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 10:01 AM 0 comments

Tuesday, October 11, 2005
Media and security
7 Oct 2005. Attended an interaction program in between the media persons and security forces. It was organized by Conflict Afflicted Media Persons(CAMP) and Media Services International(MSI) with an objective of improving the relationship between media and security forces. Many editors of major dailies and weeklies were attending. Senior army and police officials were also there. The interaction started gently. It sometime took a rough ride with the passage of time. Both sides were almost offending and defending one another. But overall the interaction ended amicably.

We all understand the value of information. I realize the tremendous degree of hazards and risks that the media persons have to undertake while seeking out for news, in fact they are in more dangerous situation than the security persons find themselves. I appreciate and thank them for the contributions despites of the dangers. I feel sorry for the losses that they have incurred in the process. I understand that the information is power. But this power should not be misused. Power corrupts; and absolute power corrupts absolutely.

I think three things are dominating our relationship-- the situation, the attitude and the behavior. The situation is abnormal therefore the attitude towards one another is suspicious. There are extreme accusations on security forces that they are bent upon uprooting the democracy. On the other hand media persons are accused of glorifying the terrorists and terrorism. This type of attitude is prompting completely unfriendly behavior amongst them which is unfortunate.

The relationship is the result of the actions and reactions of both sides. Therefore we need to improve our actions and reactions. We know that there have been breach of law and code of ethics from both sides. Therefore the first thing we need to do is to correct our actions. All actions must be lawful and according to the code of ethics. These will make us disciplined; thus free from accusations of violations. We need to usher in the improvements in our faulty system. We must institutionalize good practices. And there is a need for creating a special task force to charting out a new code of ethics for both sides, at least for some time as long as the politics do not improve.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 5:14 PM 1 comments

Tuesday, October 04, 2005
Community Development Center
4 Oct 2005. Attended 4th General Assembly Meeting of Jupiter Tol Sudhar Samiti of Lalitpur Ward No. 14. During the last one year period time this Jupiter Tol Sudhar Samiti spent a total budget of NRs 63, 97, 836.15. Except the amount of NRs 15, 00, 000/- provided by Lalitpur district development committee and municipality for the project, all remaining amount of money were collected from house owners. The major works completed by the Tol Samiti were road expansion and improvement, sewerage pipe layout, drinking water system improvement.

This Tol Sudhar Samiti is one of the 17 such Samiti in the Ward 14 of Lalitpur Sub Metro City besides a Samudayik Prahari Sewa, and Community Child Day Care Center (established to look after the children of poor working mothers) under the umbrella of Community Development Center. Samudayik Bikas Kendra, a central community body, plays a role of guide, coordinator, facilitator for these Samiti. Samudayik Bikas Kendra works hand in hand with the Municipality Ward office. This Kendra is constructing a 5 bed multi facility health center in the locality at the cost of NRs 50, 00, 000/-. Dr. Madan Kumar Piya is playing the key role in this project.

The Samudayik Bikas Kendra aims to develop the Ward 14 as a model town to live in. Practically all Tol Sudhar Samiti are actively working to improve their Tol. If the works go on at this speed I hope one day we will have a model town place to live in like the one we have in Dharan. I am proud to be living in this Ward 14 in Talchhikhel Tol and part of this scheme.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 4:46 PM 0 comments
New data on trafficking
3 Oct 2005. Attended the report launching program on “Media activism for support to prevention of trafficking in women and girls in Nepal” organized by Asmita Women’s Publication House, Media, and Resources Organization. Two researchers, Ms. Anju Chhetri and Ms. Manju Thapa presented the report of the study conducted on the state of trafficking in Nepal India. According to their study the total numbers of Nepali sex workers in India are 14352.

According to the report the numbers of sexual workers in various cities of India were as under:
Kolkata- 1302
Delhi- 300
Mumbai- 12350
Pune- 500
Total- 14352

The report further estimates the total numbers of sex workers in other parts of India to be roughly 10000. Thus the Nepali sex workers in all over India are near 25000. This report is very much different from the earlier reports on the number of Nepali sex workers in India. I personally feel that the two researchers are very confident on their estimates and it looks very close to the fact since they have physically visited the field. However, it will certainly generate new discussions.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 4:41 PM 1 comments

Thursday, September 08, 2005
Pili attack and after
Why did Maoist attack on Pili?

Maoist attacked on Pili, an army base camp on 7 Aug 2005. A short analysis of the incident might be interesting.

Wrong analysis that Maoist has become weak and therefore unable to attack big army barracks.
They will not attack on army which is constructing highway.
Diversion of attention that they will attack on Kolti.
Mistake on part of army to take position with ill preparation but with large number of weapons.
Poorly defended position.
Maoist wanted to consolidate repeated loss in the past.
They wanted to white wash that there is any internal conflict between the Maoist leaders.
They also wanted to show the outside world that they still have power to attack and thus possess bargaining power.

What now?

There are two options for army-either let Maoist and the political parties hold peace talks or take sterner offensive actions. The probability of opting for second course of action is high.
The Pili attack is significant in the view that the military wing has strong hold than the political wing inside Maoist. The statement of Prabhakar (Commander of Military Wing) rather than of Dev Gurung (In charge of Political Wing) indicates this reality.
Now the military commanders of East, Ananta, and Central region, Pasang, will try to attack in their respective regions to compete with the Western region commander Prabhakar. Therefore there are chances of attacks in both regions in near future.
The political parties have two options-either gets Maoist into their politics or boycotts Maoist call.
The government may be in a position to buy arms in the name of Maoist insurgency.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 2:16 PM

Sunday, August 14, 2005
Destiny catastrophe
I had the opportunity to attend a musical evening on 13 Aug 2005. The Indian Embassy had organized this program on the occasion of 59th Independence Day of India. Pundit Mukesh Sharma and Anupriya were the two guest artists. Mukesh played Sarod while Anupriya played Violine. In the second half of the evening, four Nepali artists also joined them with Sitar, Tabla, Bansuri and Sarangi. All of them played quite harmoniously. It looked like they were practicing together for many years. Then suddenly the reflection of the present political, socio-economic situation of our country came to my mind. I wonder why not we can just work in unison for the peace and prosperity of the country like these artists. I am very sorry to admit the fact that all of us have failed in our duties. The political forces, the security forces, the actors of criminal justice administration, the bureaucrats, the economists, the educationists, the medias, the civil society, and the rebels- all have failed miserably. Unfortunately we are still heading for terrible catastrophe.

Considering the current situation in Nepal no one should say, “Politics is not my business and I am least interested in it.” If good people do not join in politics then it would mean we agree to be tortured, bullied, swayed away, governed, and doomed by the egocentric acts of bad politicians. We should not forget that all of us are traveling in the same boat. We can not live in isolation; we are the part of the fateful jaunt. We should punish any one trying to burrow the hole in the boat and get it quickly refurbished. We can not hang around to see others drowning because we might be the first one to go down. When the boat is capsized into the abyss, it will be too late to apprehension. The immediate need is to pull ourselves out of the storm. For that, coalition, not collision, is the need of the hour.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 2:52 PM 1 comments

Present situation and Magar Society, and Security issues

2005-08-08T03:40:00.000-07:00

Dear Magarbandhus,

Namaskar. Dr. Keshar Jung Baral Magar, Associate Professor in PN Campus Pokhara, presented a discussion paper on “Current Situation and Magar Society” on 22 Srawan 2062(6 Aug 2005). The population distributions of Magar, speakers of Magar language, culture, religion, education, and the role of Magar Sangh in future were the contents of the paper. Mr. Ujir Magar commented on the paper. The paper will be published in our web sites when we get it from Dr. Baral.

I think Magars have progressed in some areas to some extent- -but not to the level of satisfaction. Magars have not been able to hold seats in power centres, like—politics, bureaucracy, police, army, educational institutions, civic society, economic sector, judiciary, media, etc. Unless we hold power we do not possess bargaining power; we can not threaten nor can we promise.

I think it is relevant to mention about the findings of one day workshop on SWOT Analysis of Magar institutions organized on 19 Asar 2061 organized by Magar Studies Center:

1)Practically all Magar institutions/associations do not have their long strategic plan.

2)The organization structures are portfolio based rather than specific task based.

3)All organizations lack skilled manpower to handle their activities.
4)They have no networking. They have very little lateral communication with district and other Magar organizations. Many of them also do not have access to GO, NGO, INGO at district level.

5)They have not been able to tap open and available resources. For example:

a.They have not been able to use intellectuals.

b.The other resources have also been not properly utilized.

c.There are some gaps/duplications in programs.

d.There is no agreement to build one office complex for all the Magar institutions of Kathmandu valley.

Therefore we need to do some research for finding the reasons for pinpointing the impediments. Is it the current politics? If yes, what alternative system could be the best for us, why and how? Is it the illiteracy? Is it the socio-cultural practices? Is it the poverty? Is it the lack of institutional capacity? Or is it the religion for our failure? These questions should be answered in these research papers. Then we need to develop a long term strategic plan, policy, and program. There should be tasking, in other words, we need to divide areas to work--there should be separate institutions to work on different issues. All efforts must be well coordinated. Magar association and other institutions must play key role for this.

Finally, my congratulations and thanks go to Dr. Baral for his paper, Magar Students Association for organizing, and Janjati Sashaktikaran Pariyojana Lalitpur for funding this one day seminar. Thanks.

Dr. Govind Prasad Thapa

Tuesday, July 26, 2005
People's system
There is an adage in Nepali society-Sandey ko judaima bachhako michain- meaning the young calf suffers most while bulls fight. People appear to have lost loyalty, confidence and interest in the political forces-political parties, king and Maoist-of Nepal. These forces are bent upon to thwart each other consequently pushing people into more and more risks and misfortunes. A poor man is not interested in any of these political systems—monarchy, constitutional monarchy, multiparty democracy, republic, socialist republic, communist. His needs at the village are peace and freedom. Having experienced the exhilarating zeal and hopes out of promises, and nervousness out of threats, people are seeking out for an alternative system— alternative system sans these political forces. Is there any such blueprint to fit people’s wish? A people's system.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 2:13 PM
1 comments
Ali Saleem said...
Dear Dr GP thapa,
A pleasure to visit your blog and read.Best
Ali

Saturday, July 09, 2005
How beautiful is the rain
‘How beautiful is the rain,
After the dust and heat.’

Yes the rain was very relieving yesterday after a dry and dusty day. We all were queuing up in line, which seemed endless, to greet our King for his birthday. We, police and army officers, were all in tunic with heavy aculeate, frills, medals, and decorations rattling in the chest, the belt tightly tucked up in the waist. The drummers and pipers of Band Company were marching in front and behind us playing their numbers. We were summoned to be at the army pavilion at 1130 AM. But it was 1530 PM when started our march past towards the palace. Thousands of people were marching ahead and behind us very slowly with their banners and bouquets. The march past was intermittently stopped.

It was very hot day. Suddenly it began to rain. Platter..platter..platter..the peaked caps received the first drops. At first it was a big welcome and relief from the hot sun. We thanked God. But the rain began to pour heavily. The cap and the coat seeped in the rain. The uniforms became heavier. The colors of aculeate and ribbons began to run down coloring the white tunic of band boys. The heavy rain upon the musical instruments created its own music. The music key note pads got saggy and crumbled. It also made the hot black top road feel the presence of rain. The dusts were now turned into small patches of mud. The long trousers were heavily laden with these muddy particles and were sticking to the skin. The shining black shoes were no more shining but heavy with muddy water. The water seeped deep through our uniforms. We were drenched and soaked into it.

Then the rain stopped when we were at the gate of the palace. Briskly we marched past the King who was humbly responding to our greetings.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 11:39 AM

Saturday, July 02, 2005
Armed Conflict and Trafficking
The discriminations in thoughts and deeds towards women and girl children in our society are breeding ground to several crimes and violence against them. The armed conflict has worsened the life of women and children. It dominates the situation by terrorism, deaths, and destructions. There is all-round insensitivity to the psychological trauma of a victim, of parents and guardians. Acute state of social insecurity and erosion of law is giving birth to gun totting culture and impunity.

The human dignity, human values, and social norms are in the shadows of war and everything is governed by the rule of war and hammer and anvil like tools in such time. As the natures of family violence, sexual violence, and trafficking are clandestine, unnoticeable, and most under reported in our society, these crimes have increased during the past few years. Today, on 1 July 2005, several real and heart touching case studies ranging from abductions, rapes to murders by Maoist, Army, and police were shared in a half day seminar organized by National Networking Against Girls Trafficking (NNAGT). The key speakers were Durga Ghimire, President of NNAGT, Ms. Laxmi Pokharel from ABC Nepal, Ms. Irada Gautam of AAWAJ, Ms. Sarita Aryal of Sukhi Sansar, Ms Kanta Rijal of SACPEW, Ms. Pinki Singh Rana of SAMANATA/SAATHI, Dr. Madhavi Singh of Rahat, Mr. Tirtha Khanal of Ministry of Women, Children, and Social Welfare, and myself.

But how can we prevent, and control these crimes, and how can we prosecute criminals when there is no access of police and any state agency in the villages? is a pertinent question. One spontaneous answer, probably the best one, is—we stop war and do politics for Peace and Prosperity. Peace will reinstate rule of law in the country.

Otherwise we could adopt three major strategies for the solutions. Firstly, we re-engineer--review the existing infrastructure of institutions and remodel new or revise infrastructures and amend laws and policies accordingly. Secondly, we educate and empower all potential victims through community approach. We sensitize police, army, and even Maoists to pay respect to humanity, human dignity, human rights, and humanitarian laws. Thirdly, we need to seek a great deal of cooperation and coordination of civic society and community at large to enforce laws and bring criminals to the court.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 11:43 AM

Crime data and Kham Pang-Nepali-English Dictionary

2005-06-19T09:12:00.000-07:00

Thursday, June 23, 2005
Total Recorded Crime in Nepal Police
Total Recorded Crime in Nepal Police--Crime Recorded in BS (AD)

2027/28(mid July 1970/mid July 71) = 3243

2028/29(mid July 1971/mid July 72) = 3873

2029/30(mid July 1972/mid July 73) = 3830

2030/31(mid July 1973/mid July 74) = 4010

2031/32(mid July 1974/mid July 75) = 3429

2032/33(mid July 1975/mid July 76) = 2974

2033/34(mid July 1976/mid July 77) = 2719

2034/35(mid July 1977/mid July 78) = 2885

2035/36(mid July 1978/mid July 79) = 5084

2036/37(mid July 1979/mid July 80) = 5008

2037/38(mid July 1980/mid July 81) = 4645

2038/39(mid July 1981/mid July 82) = 4430

2039/40(mid July 1982/mid July 83) = 5032

2040/41(mid July 1983/mid July 84) = 4308

2041/42(mid July 1984/mid July 85) = 4103

2042/43(mid July 1985/mid July 86) = 3942

2043/44(mid July 1986/mid July 87) = 4042

2044/45(mid July 1987/mid July 88) = 4698

2045/46(mid July 1988/mid July 89) = 4963

2046/47(mid July 1989/mid July 90) = 4893

2047/48(mid July 1990/mid July 91) = 6130

2048/49(mid July 1991/mid July 92) = 7297

2049/50(mid July 1992/mid July 93) = 7854

2050/51(mid July 1993/mid July 94) = 8751

2051/52(mid July 1994/mid July 95) = 9100

2052/53(mid July 1995/mid July 96) = 9432

2053/54(mid July 1996/mid July 97) = 9326

2054/55(mid July 1997/mid July 98) = 10324

2055/56(mid July 1998/mid July 99) = 10504

2056/57(mid July 1999/mid July 00) = 10584

2057/58(mid July 2000/mid July 01) = 9897

2058/59(mid July 2001/mid July 02) = 9033

2059/60(mid July 2002/mid July 03) = 9507

2060/61(mid July 2003/mid July 04) = 8622
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 1:24 PM

Sunday, 19 June 2005
MSC supported the publication of Kham Pang-Nepali-English dictionary sometime back. Although this piece of work is a small step, yet it will be a landmark in the protection of Magar language. It will be instrumental for researchers, linguists, and persons interested in the linguistics.I have sent complimentary copies of the work to various institutions. Some of them are;
• Central Department of linguistics—5 copies
• National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities—5 copies
• Nepal Federation of Indigenous nationalities—5 copies
• Nepal Magar Association—5 copies
• Central Library, Tribhuvan university—5 copies
• Executive Director, CNAS—5 copies
• Vice Chancellor—5 copies
• Nepal Central library—3 copies
• Social Science Baha—3 copies
Besides these I have also given some copies to few Magar dignitaries as gift. Do you have any idea where we should send copies as complimentary gesture? The sale of the dictionary is the only way to reimburse the cost incurred. Thanks.
Gpthapa, 19 Jun 2005

Kham Magar, Political ideology, Trauma of armed insurgency, Community policing, and Consolidation for peace

2005-06-18T01:39:00.000-07:00

Dear Dr. Shankar Thapa,
Namaste. I am happy to receive your mail concerning your interest to prepare a paper on Magars of Rolpa and Rukum. I personally thank you for your initiatives. Although Magar Studies Center does not have very good background literature on these issues, yet there are some reading materials on Kham Magar--especially the . I advise you to browse through internet and I am sure you will find some information. You can also go to USAID home page and find out the synopsis of the study report which they had solicited. I would also suggest you to talk to two persons--former minister Balaram Gharti Magar, Ph.5523100, and Bom Kumari Budha Magar, Ph. 4312310. They will give you information about Rolpa and adjoining districts.They may also give you some insights into the causes and effects of insurgency. There are also few books released which scan over the root causes of insurgency. Deepak Thapa's A kingdom under siege, Dr. Chuda B. Shrestha's Nepal: coping with Maoist insurgency, Dr. Bishnu Upreti's Management of social and natural resources, conflict in Nepal; Realities and alternatives are some of the books which I have read. There is one another book of Nischal Nath Pandey on this issue which I have not read yet. I shall try my best to feed with more information. By the way I find your subject very interesting but a bit broad to accomodate in a paper with limited time frame. Any way all the best. Can you tell us more abiout yourself? Just out of anxiety. Thanks.
Gpthapa, 17/6/2005

Dear sir,
I am a Nepali Professor doing research in Korea. Now I am planning to write a paper entitled - KHAM MAGARS, POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND THE TRAUMA OF ARMED SUPRESSION: TRACES FROM MEMORY OF MAGAR HISTORY IN NEPAL to submit in an international seminar organized by the Institute of Social History. This theme basically intends to write on the Ropali Magars and their participation in Maoist insurgency. I want to lay major focus on supression as well as political thinking os the Magars.
Since your center is devoted to study Magar, I hope you may be of some help to me. If possible provide some information on material or pls mail any related material via email.
I will be very much obliged for your help.
Thank you very much
Prof. Dr. Shanker Thapa
The Academy of Korean studies,
Seongnam-si
Seoul, KOREA, 16/6/2005
Saturday, June 18, 2005
Saturday, June 18, 2005

Maoism and Maoists of Nepal
Dear Jyotiji,
I do not posses knowledge on Communism and People’s Revolutionary War because ‘the only person who really understands communism is the communist who understands it too late’. Since I have not studied Mao-Tse-tung and Vo Nguyen Giap, my answers to your questions cannot be therefore conclusive. The communism received its impetus only in twenties in Southeast Asia from China. Mao’s Communist revolution is world famous, which was greatly influenced by Sun Tzu’s Art of War written sometime in 500 BC. But why does it still appeal to Maoists of Nepal?

The best source to find the answer would be to look into the Communist Party of Nepal’s (Maoist) manifesto. The Nepalese Communist Party was established in 1949 only. That party was established at a ‘time when the great Chinese revolution had been won and socialism was developing in the USSR.’ The adoption of Chinese style revolution, although today the Chinese diplomat denies of any relationship with Maoist except with the name of Mao, is based upon the principle of Mao’s successful revolution in China. Maoists consider ‘the victory of Chinese revolution as a big factor in the establishment of Communist Party in Nepal.’ Prachanda further justifies the need of ‘this war to break the shackles of thousands of years of slavery and to establish a New Democratic state’ which in understanding is ‘the path of people’s liberation and a great and bright future.’ The Maoist documents further reveal the goals of people’s war ‘to overthrow the bureaucrat-capitalist class and state system, which are dependent on and serve imperialism; uproot semi-feudalism; and drive out imperialism.’

The doctrines of insurgency are important factors in the sense that these are determinant in the successful sustainability of the insurgency. There are generally two doctrines--offensive and defensive. Maoists of Nepal are adopting the doctrine of offensive action or the emphasis on armed action rather than on the doctrine of mobilization of masses. Castro, Che Guevara, and Sendero Luminoso in Cuba and Peru also chose this course. In Nepal, the most notable development in the last one decade is--the populations at large condemn Maoists’ terrorism. The situation is slipping out of their hands. This is going to be fatal for Maoists, ultimately culminating into total stop of terrorism in the country.

The state designs and operates Counterinsurgency Operation to neutralize the insurgency. Many abortive insurgencies are defeated by military and police actions alone. But, if an insurgency has tapped into serious grievances and has mobilized a significant portion of the population, the task becomes more difficult. It becomes more cumbersome when there is political instability. The best and surest way of controlling the insurgency is to win the people’s heart and mind. Winning heart and mind would require taking serious actions to reform. Reforms are inevitable in order to avoid grievances, to isolate Maoists from mass population. Use of security forces are only one such alternatives. The State response must be multifaceted and coordinated. This the security forces cannot do alone. All political forces need to consolidate and stand fast against terrorism. The insurgency problem would not prolong if there is consensus among Nepali people and political forces.
Dr. Govind Prasad Thapa, 18 June 2005
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 2:17 PM 0 comments

Saturday, June 11, 2005
Passanger bus ambushed and bombed
The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has again undraped its real face by electronically ambushing a commuters’ bus and bombing more than hundred passengers. Thirty nine people, including several children, died; more than seventy severely injured. This incident took place in Bandrekhola-Madi of Chitwan district on 6 June 2005. It shows their real face behind the coat of a political party. It is a most inhuman and barbarous act of terrorism in which innocent people were targeted. Maoists have committed such crimes many times before. The folly is that they have been claiming to fight for the cause of people. The party has shed crocodile tears for the gross mistake.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 8:26 AM 0 comments

Saturday, June 04, 2005
Community policing
The government can not accomplish everything single-handedly. Community mobilization is one of the most effective ways of achieving goals. With this theory, the government is gradually transferring the responsibilities to the community accordingly making them powerful. Community forests and schools are some of its examples. The management of some forests and schools are transferred to the community. And things have improved with the participation of community in these sectors. The conflict in between the community and forest officials are no more heard; the affiliation has altered into pleasant and beneficial.

Crime is a complex issue. With the advancement of science and technology, and the growth of population, it has become more untamable. Law making is not the ultimate solution; rather it is the beginning of our efforts. The real success lies in the proper enforcement of laws. The police can not do all the jobs without help. And for this purpose, we must be able to congregate community cooperation. For that reason community policing is one choice; because it means policing crimes by the help of citizens. Community approach of policing is a policy of people, for the people, and by the people. Therefore, we can say that citizens are police without uniforms.

The core idea behind community mobilization is to build an environment for sustainable development and/or service programs. People’s consultation, consent, cooperation, and participation make the tasks of the government much easier. It also harnesses local resources for meaningful purposes. There grows a feeling of ownership among the people. Today, 4 June 2005, I had the opportunity to address, as a guest, one of the annual functions of Community Services and Development Society of Koteswor, Kathmandu. It is a society formed jointly, in cooperation of local people and local police, which aims to build up the locality into an idyllic residential area. Up-to-day there are more than one hundred such centers all over the country with the aims and objectives of liberating the locality from crimes, rendering social services, and initiating development works at local level. Some of them are really good; while some are trying hard to uphold. I believe the government must help refurbishing these types of centers which eventually make the government’s job easier.
Posted by Dr. GP Thapa at 7:00 PM 0 comments

Consolidation for peace and prosperity
The terrorism germinates and grows in the environment of unequal opportunities, acute poverty, gross marginalization, illiteracy, unemployment, rampant corruption, criminalization of politics, unresponsive executive and judiciary, and easy access to means of terrorism. For many frustrated youths, violence is the sure means of quick solutions; there are thousands such youths vulnerable for exploitation. If we continue fighting and killing each others; one day there will be no Nepali left, for this reason no Nepal. It will be lose- lose state of affairs. No one will win. Terrorism does not pay. It does not win hearts and minds. There are other better alternatives to politics than terrorism. We have already wasted valuable lives and times in the past. Now there is no time to waste. No resources left. If we really are dedicated to people then let us all be clear that people want peace and prosperity. My understanding is that we are all traveling in the same boat. So no one can keep him/herself aloof. Terrorism spares none. Let us all row the boat to safety first; not fight with each other. National interests come first always and everywhere, then the group and individual interests. Surely we would not like our country to become another Sierra Leone, Sudan, Iraq, Afghanistan, Peru, Sri Lanka etc.Let our conscience rule over our ego.

Fighting terrorism is not a matter of interest, not a matter of choice, but a matter of utmost necessity, a matter of high importance, and a matter of urgency. What is required is action--not just sit satisfied in tacit connivance only. Watching others facing the brunt of terrorism, waiting for one’s turn, shutting doors to the gross scene of violence, murders, rape, and closing nostrils to the rotten smell of dead bodies are acts of cowardice. We must have courage to stand against these. If we do not, then we simply wait in the queue for our turn; and it is destined to come sooner or later - because terrorism spares none. Raising awareness and education among the leaders, cadres, and communities against the futility of such terrorism to attain political solution or usher social change, and providing economic activities for many jobless young people, and create good political environment which is more conducive and inclusive than conservative are sure steps towards ending violence. An effective response to the Maoist threat should therefore encompass larger issues of development, leadership, and good governance.

Anyone can be a very good guru and preacher of modern democracy and good governance. One should respect their knowledge. But at the same time we should also not forget the ground realities of our land. Westerners have already gone through the phases of learning by mistakes. We are only entering into it now. It is always easy to demand than give. It is easy to preach than practice. For the successful practice of democracy we need to have discipline; without it, democracy will turn into lawlessness, mobocracy, chhadatantra, autocracy, and mockery. Democracy can survive when the rights and duties of citizen are properly balanced. There is no place in the world where there are no laws, where there are no restrictions to criminal acts, where there are no punishments for corruptions. Democracy means respecting the law of the country. In our case, Grouchi Marx’s saying “Politics is the art of looking for trouble, finding it everywhere, diagnosing it incorrectly, and applying the wrong remedies” perfectly matches. In the name of democracy the social norms and values have been dismantled. Therefore let us all consolidate for peace and prosperity.

Animal rights, Lukla, Nation building, Inclusiveness, Policing

2005-05-05T00:44:00.000-07:00

Wednesday, May 25, 2005
Animal rights
The shrill shriek of pigs facing deaths tears my eardrums and then the heart. There are several pork meat shops nearby my house. These are famous for ‘Dharane Kalo Sungur’(Dharan’s Black Pigs). I can hear the poor animals shrieking for help when the sharp steel blades pierce into their hearts. At times when there are people dying without mercy; who cares of these animals. But after all how long will all these things keep going? How long should we allow them to continue? Should not be there be mankind to stop them? Should not there be a law to stop these types of cruelty and end these everlasting pain before deaths? Le us arise and stop them from today onwards, right from today.

Comment: Anonymous said...
But the Dharan sungur with rayo ko saag is so tasty, how could we get rid of this? Dharan is so famous for this kaalo sungur. So, sad man, what exactly are you trying to say here? I guess you must be a a chhokho bahun eating only tons of gooliyo mithai inviting diabetes. Come on Bhaun baje join the Dharan bandwagon and start eating the chhochen bhutun.
From a Big Chhochen, oink onk
Thursday, June 05, 2008 10:31:00 PM

Tuesday, May 24, 2005
Destination Lukla
Last week I was in Lukla, a small town located at the altitude of 2866 meters in the Khumbu region of eastern Nepal. Lying at the heart of the Everest trekking area, Lukla is the starting point for people visiting the Himalayas. There are two options to reach Lukla, either take a half an hour flight from Kathmandu or have a seven days trek from Jiri of Dolkha which is a day long bus ride from Kathmandu. Those who have ventured this gruesome trail advise others not to miss this lifetime experience. Once you are there, you will really enjoy the cool and cozy environment. Nothing rules there but the Nature. You can further take a one day trek from Lukla to Namche, 3440 meters, - the last town at the foot of the great Himalayas. If you have not gone there and planning to visit Nepal sometime ask your tour operators to include this trekking route, it is once in a life time experience.

Sunday, May 15, 2005
nation building
Recently I had been to a round trip inspection tour of several districts. In this connection I also visited the Bandipur of Siraha district where Maoist had attacked on one unified security base camp, police station, and army battalion HQ. Three policemen, one army soldier, and six local people, and many Maoists died in this incident. Few security personnel are taken as hostage by Maoist. The dead bodies of many ‘guerillas’ were strewn around the incident site. Looking at the bodies of these ‘guerillas’; I felt very bad. They were of very young age, looked innocent and ignorant of any politics of Maoism giving impetus to totalitarianism. Most of them appeared to belong to indigenous group, the Janajatis. Their poor dress and gear indicated that they lacked resources and had very poor preparations. It appeared that they were committing suicidal attacks on such well fortified camps manned by well trained soldiers with superior fire arms. We should be actively doing something, not only show tacit connivance, to stop these types of killings of one Nepali by another Nepali. We can do few things like—raising awareness and education among the communities against the futility of such terrorism means to achieve any political power or social change; provide economic activities for many jobless young people; and create good political environment which is more accommodative and inclusive than conservative. An effective response to the Maoist threat should encompass larger issues of development, leadership, and good governance. And only expanded economic and social infrastructures and opportunities for all to rise to their full potential will make a new Nepal-a peaceful, developed, beautiful, and a great Nepal.

Thursday, May 5, 2005
We have been talking. writing, doing numerous activities for the inclusiveness of janajatis into the mainstream of national politics and state machineries. Lot have already been accomplished and many are still far away. The relentless efforts will ultimately bring resullts. But only wishing will not suffice. We should not be passive in the change process. We shall have to work hard to bring changes. Hard working is still a lot far away from our agenda. I was wondering whether we ( Magar Studies Center) should include other jati and janajatis in our area of concern. So that it becomes a center for the research and studies of the history, culture, socio-economic issues of the people of Nepal- not only of Magar. This has become necessary in the light of the broad vision that is to be envisioned than be limited to a very limited scope of studies. If we have to look for anything related to Magar we have to go through the whole list of literatures written and available on Nepal and Nepali. If it is so then why not include other jat jatis.

Sunday, May 01, 2005
policing crimes
How do you find your police in your country? Although it is mostly based on person to person experience; the majority of the answer would be “not good”. Yes. This is the type of response that we generally come across. Then what should be done? Avoid or reform police? If we avoid them the problem will continue to be there and it will rather increase. Therefore we should include the “troublemaker” in our development or reform program. If we correct the police there will be no more trouble in future. It is so simple. When we consider police as a part of our social life then we would certainly like that our police are professional.
The philosophy of modern policing call for client oriented policing; community based policing, proactive policing. What is this then?
Community policing is:
l Designed to make crime control a collaborative effort/Multi disciplinary approach
l Taping community resources to share crime control efforts.
l Seeking to enhance crime control by engaging more powerful social control mechanism.
l A philosophy of client-oriented service delivery aimed at improving accountability and effectiveness by focusing on problem solving.
l A style of policing crimes with the help of citizens. Generating a feeling of, “All police are citizens with uniforms: All citizens are police without uniforms.”
l A policing system of the citizens, for the citizens, and by the citizens.
Yes it is systems which inculcate for the sense of belongingness, the sense of ownership, the feeling of “weness”. But it does not call for a new organization, new laws, new budgets, and new people. It requires only the change in the style of policing. So simple! If we consider people’s participation in policing; not only in policing but also in other State machineries, our jobs would become very easy, effective, and cost effective. We have experienced this result in the forestry. The conflicts in between the forest officials and community members are gone, and the forests have become denser.
Although many senior police officers still do not believe in this philosophy Nepal police is inching towards cultivating this kind of culture. I was happy to deliver a talk on “Policing crimes through community participation” to the students of Centre for Development Studies, National College, in Kathmandu today. I had had the similar opportunity of delivering lecture to the LLM students of Kathmandu School of Law on the issue of “Crimes against women and children” on 10 Apr 2005.
What I feel is there is a need for a Centre for education on the issues of crime and criminals, community safety and security, national security, business security, industrial security, bank security, personal security etc etc. If we establish such institutions the safety and security of the citizen and country will be more effective.

Magar language

2005-04-23T23:20:00.000-07:00

I have pasted the email discourse on Magar language. May be it will help some people find out more about this issue.
govind

Dear Thapaji,
That was not Dr. Thrasher's comment. He jsut passed it to us. I understand Dr. Allen W. Thrasher is Senior Reference Librarian /Southern Asia Section Asian Division at Library of Congress, in Washington DC.

Have you ever heard of George van Driem ? He was for some time in Nepal also. Prof. Ballabha Mani Dahal used to tell me about his works. Sadly, our linguists/scholars, mostly of Tribhuvan University, cite western schoalrs' works easily without any cross checking. I personally can't accept such intellectual tradition.

In fact George van Driem commented on your work [ Prachin Magar ra Akkha Lipi] even not mentioning your name. He has mentioned Dr. Harsha B. Budha's name there.

I wonder if van Driem had been able to to go through the works [ Treatise on Buddhism] of Subarnakar Rana Magar [1000 AD] and Ganga Rana Magar [1069 AD] .
Namaste,
BKR

MSThapa Magar wrote:
Dear Ranaji
Namaste. I appreciate your exercises to go in more depth about the history of Magar but my earlier email was in response to Mr. Allen W Thrasher who used the words " fantastic claim " . I have strong objection about the words he used. He has right to differ and refute but must come academically not satiring and humiliating the openion of other persons. He must learn to respect the view of other researchers.
M.S. Thapa Magar

"B. K. Rana" wrote:
Dear Thapaji,

I am confused whether your comment is directed to me or not. I also do not have command over 'classical Magar language'.I think you have published a book/booklet on classical Magar language also. But I do know Magar language both Kham and East&Central Magar language and little Kaike also. Kaike mostly sounds Bhote or Tibetan.

Please check below how George van Driem, a noted linguist in his , "Languages of the Himalayas",has commented on Akkha script you developed:
"Before the 1990 revolution, a rare Magar periodical entitled LaGghalI [sic: it should be LAGghalI- AT] appeared irregularly. In the atmosphere of political fervour prevailing in the years following the Nepalese revolution of 1990, various booklets were published which made fantastic claims. One such claim [identified BrAhmI script as of Magar origin]. Another claim was that the Magars are related to the Magyars or Hungarians, a fact which is argued solely on the basis of the similarity of the name, e.g. BuDA Magar (VS2053b). The latter claim must, however, be seen as just a recent episode in a long tradition of pseudo-scholarly publications attempting to relate the Magyars with any and every distant group. [Uxbond 1928 used this as part of a theory linking with Magyars with the Mundas and as far afield as the Maoris.]"

I was just writing on the paper 'LANGHALI' which used to come from Kathmandiu until few years ago and a recently founded 'Langhali Association USA' I was just discussing in plain romanization, not using any diacritic or IPA symbol [phonetic transcription]. Additionally, diacritics vary from a writer to another.
I don't know whether you have received my another email in whcih I have cited you on Magar 'na+di' for Sanskrit 'na+di'. Your contribution to classical Magar language and culture is great, it is always commendable.
Namaste,
BKR

MSThapa Magar wrote:
It is weird to see a comment from a person who has no command in classical Magar language. Though they pose themself as a linguist but cannot differentiate between LAcghali and Langhali.Such a megalomania person must take attention before satiring and humiliating other persons.
m.s.thapa

On BK Rana writes 22/4/2005
Magar language is a TB language. The central Magar and Kham Magar languages are different. The Kaike Magar language is even different.
'Langhali' [not LAGghalI] is a Central Magar Language term meaning 'villager or neighbour' [Langha > village with prefix ali> of or belonging to]. It means of the village.
We have been able to found a voluntary social organization in New York - Langhali Association USA. last year.
I myself am a Magar and hence 'Langhali' also.. There are lot more other books that you have cited. Does one have to accept whatever an otsiders write ?
As far as I understand, the Magars [Langhalis] have never claimed that Magyars are their ancestors. But a team of the Magyars of Hungary have visited in early 90s in search of their ancestors.
"In search for his ancestors, a Hungarian researcher, Alexander Choma De Korus [?], while en route via Lhasha of Tibet to Mongolia, died in Darjeeling in 1842. There is a memorial tablet erected in honor of him in Darjeeling" - one of the team members had written in a faxed message to me also.
Another Hungarian scholar Gyula Laszlo [The Magyars: Their Life and Civilization 1996] has ruled out any nearness between Magars and Magyars.
Both Dor Bahadur Bista 'Fatalism and Development [1994] and F. B. Hamilton "An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal' [1819] write Magars and the current Shah kings are of same origin.
We also believe in it as both the Shah Kings and Magars share exactly same cultures eve today. The priests in the king's guardian deity are always a Magar. There are lots of stuff on Magars and others in Brian Hodgson's Essays on the Language, Literature and Religion of Nepal and Tibet [1857].
Perceval Landon's Nepal [1928], Michael Oppitz's research article - The Wild Boar and the Plough: Origin Stories of the Northern Magars - in Kailash [1983]. Eden Vansittart has written profoundly on Magars in his 'The Gurkhas' [1906]. Recently, John Whelpton has also written in his book 'King Soldiers & Priests in Nepalese Politics and the Rise of Jung Bahadur [1830-1857] published in 1991.
The northern Magars are subdivided into Buda, Gharti, Pun and Roka. Some writers have written the Huns invaded Nepal and they became 'Pun'.
There are lot to write here. Thank you,
BKR

Allen W Thrasher wrote:
George van Driem, Languages of the Himalayas, Brill, 2001 (Handbuch der Orientalistik, Section 2. India. vol. 10), v. 2, p. 780, has this to say (I have rendered his standard transliteration into Harvard-Kyoto):

"Before the 1990 revolution, a rare Magar periodical entitled LaGghalI [sic: it should be LAGghalI- AT] appeared irregularly. In the atmosphere of political fervour prevailing in the years following the Nepalese revolution of 1990, various booklets were published which made fantastic claims. One such claim [identified BrAhmI script as of Magar origin]. Another claim was that the Magars are related to the Magyars or Hungarians, a fact which is argued solely on the basis of the similarity of the name, e.g. BuDA Magar (VS2053b). The latter claim must, however, be seen as just a recent episode in a long tradition of pseudo-scholarly publications attempting to relate the Magyars with any and every distant group. [Uxbond 1928 used this as part of a theory linking with Magyars with the Mundas and as far afield as the Maoris.]

Parts in square brackets are my summary.

Citations:
BuDa Magar, HarSa BahAdur. VS BhAdra 2053b (AD 1996). Magar jAti ra unkA sAmAjik saMskAr. Kathmandu: ZrImatI PuSpAvatI BuDA Magar.

Uxbond, F.A. 1938 Munda-Magyar-Maori, an INdian link bertween the antipodes: new tracks of Hungarian origins. London, Luzac and Co.

Van Driem considers Magar a Bodic language within the Tibeto-Burma, which further subdivision within the Bodic not yet clear. However, he uses the term Magaric to include Magar and Kham.

Allen Thrasher

Allen W. Thrasher, Ph.D.
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